tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-19369397657352665642024-02-18T22:49:05.248-08:00WARNING INDIA IN DANGERTHAT MEANS YOU ARE IN DANGERAnonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.comBlogger80125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-6252831638453458572013-12-03T22:23:00.001-08:002013-12-03T22:23:17.262-08:00GREAT EDITOR’S ADVOCACY FOR ISLAMISTS<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt;">TEJPAL,
MULLAH ZAEEF AND SIMI<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Poor Richard","serif"; font-size: 20.0pt;">GREAT
EDITOR’S ADVOCACY FOR ISLAMISTS<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt;">-Ram Kumar Ohri, IPS (Retd.) <o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Yesteryears
Great Editor has a colourful personae and mysterious past. Historically the
secularist chatterati always had a short memory and somewhat purblind
vision. It is surprising how the Indian
media and charmed glitterati of the 2013 THINK festival could not decode the
mystery of Tejpal’s invite to Mullah Abdul Saeed of Taliban to Goa for being
counted among the galaxy of global intellectuals. According to the Raisina Hill
buzz, the Great Editor worked overtime to get the clearance of intelligence
agencies for the necessary visa for ensuring presence of the great Mullah of
Taliban at THINK-2013. No one knows whether the city grapevine of Tarun Tejpal’s
intimate proximity to Mullah Zaeef is a town gossip or ground reality.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Mullah
Zaeef is a notorious misogynist believing in stoning of women, as prescribed in
shariah. Tarun Tejpal is a twice-sworn secularist. What is the connection
between the two fundamentalists, one a hard boiled Islamist and the other a
self-annointed secularist? This question has often bothered me and some of my
friends.</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">A friend of mine is convinced
that thereby hangs a shadowy tale.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">I</span><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">n August 2008 the
so-called Great Editor had carried
out a sustained campaign, bordering on
secular morbidity, in defence of the
banned jihadi terrorist outfit, SIMI
(Students Islamic Movement of
India) which had by then already
morphed into the notorious kaffir-killer outfit, the Indian Mujahedeen. Being
a well informed journalist Tejpal could not be ignorant of the fact that barely
</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">a
few months ago in November, 2007, a menacing e-mail had been circulated</span><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">to media by the radical outfit, Indian Mujahideen in
proclaiming, <i>and “The war of civilization
between the Muslims and the infidels</i></span><span lang="EN-US" style="background-color: white; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> </span><i style="text-indent: 0.5in;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">has
begun in Indian territory.”</span></i></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Surely
the Great Editor could not be unaware of the following important facts about
SIMI published from time to time in newspapers and journals and readily available
in public domain: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">i)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The outfit was commissioned in Aligarh
Muslim University on April 28, 1977, in Aligarh University and named the
Students Islamic. Its avowed goal is to establish Muslim rule in India. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ii)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Before it was banned, the logo of SIMI flaunted
a very intimidatory logo depicting a copy of the Quran spread across the globe and two AK-47s placed
astride the holy book for waging jihad against infidels.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iii)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">That the single-minded goal of SIMI is
to transform India into Dar-ul-Islam either by concerting everyone to Islam,
and if necessary by waging Islam’s holy war for achieving its cherished goal. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iv)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">SIMI does not believe in the concept of
nation State, nor does it subscribe to secularism. It wants to establish an
Islamic caliphate across India cast in the mould of Nizam-e-Mustafa.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Every Indian journalist knows that
the most frequently flaunted slogan of SIMI has been, <i>“Allah is our Lord, the Qur’an is our constitution, Muhammad is our
leader, Jihad is our way and Shahada is our</i> <i>desire”.</i> In addition, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt;">SIMI has always praised the Al Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden is an
outstanding example of a true Mujahid, who has undertaken Jihad on behalf of
the 'Ummah'.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">According to
Yoginder Sikand, a well known scholar of Islam, SIMI considers ‘Nationalism’ as
a false idol devised by the non-Muslim enemies of the faith. All non-Muslims
are branded by SIMI as 'kafirs', and no distinction is made among them. Because
of the Quranic belief that the enemies of Allah are likely to offer stiff
resistance to Islam, SIMI has been openly preaching that violent Jihad needs to
be waged against kaffirs of India (read the Hindus).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">Despite all these facts known to
even a ‘cub -journalist’ Tarun Tejpal had
the cheek to launch a vigorous campaign to defend SIMI in August, 2008, by
publishing as many as seventeen articles
vociferously defending the radical outfit in his liberal-left magazine, </span><i style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">Tehelka</i><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">. To quote Tejpal, a three month
long investigation by</span><i style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"> Tehelka’s</i><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">
Editor-at-Large, Ajit Sahi, had revealed “a chilling and systematic witch-hunt against
innocent Muslims”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">The following pearls of wisdom incorporated
by the renowned secularist in his article titled ‘The Thin Red Line’, revealed his
unwavering commitment to the cause of jihadis operating under the umbrella of
SIMI and Indian Mujahideen: “The Indian state must tread carefully. The
individual tragedies point to a wider psychosis. For the last many years –
abetted by global trends – the state’s actions seem to be deepening a prejudice
against Muslims.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">In his highly labored brief for
SIMI the Great Editor pontificated that “not just the policing and the
intelligence agencies that are to blame - even the judicial process is often
complicit in the miscarriage of justice”.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; text-indent: 0.5in;">In those days of booming bomb
blasts Tejpal published under the
heading, ‘the SIMI fictions’ the following
pro-Islamist essays packed with caustic diatribes
against the police and the government:</span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">1.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Thin Red Line, written by Tarun
Tejpal himself. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">2.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Kafka Project, by Ajit Sahi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">3.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Inside The Whale: State vs Shahid Badr
Falahi, by Ajit Sahi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">4.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Good Doctor’s Complications, by Ajit
Sahi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">5.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">They just want Muslim boys to be always
in Jail, by Ajit Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">6.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">A Doubtful Crime: And years of Unfair
Punishment, by Ajit Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">7.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Cry of The Beloved Country, by Ajit
Sahi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">8.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Hunt of Our Past Lives, by Ajit
Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">9.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">SIMI Here, SIMI There, SIMI Everywhere,
by Ajit Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">10.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The History Appraiser Caught with His
Books, by Ajit Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">11.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">A Man of God, Not a Man of Terror, by
Ajit Sahi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Dissent or Don’t. You Are Damned Either Way, by Ajit Sahi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Left Hand Doesn’t Know. Or Doesn’t
It?, by Ajit Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">14.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Case of Absconding Lawyer, by Ajit
Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .75in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">15.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">A Judge Stirs a Hornet’s Nest, by Ajit
Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .75in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">16.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The Supreme Court’s stay is a murder of
justice, by Ajit Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .75in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">17.<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Terror Has Two Faces, by Ajit Sahi. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpFirst" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Even
a cursory reading of the above mentioned seventeen articles reveals how dear have
been the Islamist Jihadis to the bleeding heart liberal, Tarun Tejpal. The following
narrative of the advocacy for SIMI lays bare the secret story of invitation to
Mullah Zaeef and his fast-tracked visa for joining the jamboree of high profile
intellectuals during Think-2013 event.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">The
wonder of wonders, however, was that Great Editor went ballistics to defend
SIMI barely a few weeks after the Indian Mujahedeen had killed and
incapacitated scores of innocents in serial bomb blasts in Bangalore, Jaipur
and Ahmedabad in July, 2008. Another highly provocative and intimidator e-mail
captioned, The Rise of Jihad in the land of Hind was circulated on July 26,
2008, by the Indian Mujahedeen shortly before the serial bomb blasts in
Ahmedabad. In addition to hurling filthy abuses on Hindu Gods and Goddesses,
the said e-mail threatened specifically to avenge the alleged atrocities
committed against SIMI, the mysterious darling of the Great Editor.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">In
the circumstances, it is difficult to guess what motivated Tejpal to mount a
three months long expensive campaign to defend SIMI has remained an unraveled
mystery. Was it done free, or was it caused by the virus called “Paid News”
afflicting several secular scribes across India? No wonder, in the year 2008 there were
hush-hush rumors in Lutyen’s garden city guessing the source of money spent by <i>Tehelka</i> in defending SIMI at a time when
jihadi bomb blasts all around were causing death and destruction. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Prima
facie</span></i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">
the Great Editor of yesteryears was more bothered about the civil rights of the
bombers of SIMI and Indian Mujahedeen than the lives of innocent Indian
citizens who were being incessantly slaughtered by the two radical Islamic
outfits. No intelligence agency, however, dare question Tarun Tejpal because of
his high- profile political connections, including the rumor about his easy
access to 10 Janpath! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">After
reading the difficult-to-put-down tome, </span><i style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">The
Seige,</i><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> authored by Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott Clarke, I see a message in
the boast of ISI’s Major Iqbal that they have a double agent code-named Honey Bee
and a number of </span><i style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">Chuhe</i><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 14pt; text-indent: 0.5in;"> (i.e., the
mice) operating in India. As a result of
Major Iqbal’s revelation several questions have cropped up in my inquisitive
mind. I am listing below some of my serious concerns:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpLast" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">i)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Who is the Honey Bee on whom our
intelligence agencies like Intelligence Bureau and RAW cannot lay hands? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ii)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Who all could be Major Iqbal’s <i>Chuhe</i>, or mice, nibbling at the tattered
fabric of India’s unity and integrity? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iii)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">How that is our Intelligence Bureau
cannot identify and locate the Honey Bee and the ISI’s Chuhe<i>?</i>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; text-align: justify; text-indent: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iv)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Is there any resemblance between David
Headley’s pre-26/11 recee of Mumbai and the recent visit and reccee of Mullah Zaeef
to Goa? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">v)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Whom all did Mullah Zaeef meet during
his hurried trip to Goa? The Talibani Mullah is a very combative and and complex
strategeist. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: 1.0in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo2; text-align: justify;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">vi)<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 7pt;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Is our tourist-paradise city of Goa, vulnerably
located on Konkan coast, slated to be targeted next time the way Mumbai was
targeted in November, 2008? Goa could
even face the butchery and vandalism in the manner and on a scale showcased by
the Al Shabab’s commandos at Westcoast Mall in Nairobi on September 27, 2013?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpFirst" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormalCxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">Being a retired
police officer I often feel concerned about the next jihadi strike across my
motherland. Perhaps time has come to
view with extra caution the visit of Talibani Mullah Zaeef to Goa on the
pretext of joining the Think-2013 glitterati and his close association with
Tejpal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-70452781771042178032013-12-03T08:07:00.000-08:002013-12-03T08:07:17.601-08:00BIGOTRY CODIFIED: PREVENTION OF COMMUNAL AND TARGETTED VIOLENCE (ACCESS TO JUSTICE AND REPARATIONS) BILL, 2011<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and
Reparations) Bill, 2011 is a gory, ghastly and grizzly piece of an illiberal
legislation which mocks constitutionalism and justice. It banishes Hindus from
the system, deprives them the benefit of law and puts them out altogether of
its protection. This infliction of outlawry on Hindus is called “respect to
equality before law and equal protection of laws” and upholding of “secular
democracy”. Sanctioning social stratification the Bill divides the country into
ethnic enclaves. Creating a dystopian society the Bill contemplates a
repressive regime for Hindus where they will not be citizens but ciphers, be
referred to by numbers not names and be forced to be as uniform as possible.
The message is clear: get ready to be purged under a reign of terror. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Under
the Bill Hindus (a “religious majority” in most states of India) cannot ever
suffer from “communal and targeted violence” as the Bill defines the expression
only to include acts against a religious minority under Section 3 (c), can be
freely subjected to “hostile environment” as threats, boycotts and humiliation
are actionable under Section 3 (f) only if committed against religious
minorities, have no remedy even as an “internally displaced person” as Section
3 (g) confines the provision only to members of a religious minority who are
forced to leave their home or residence and cannot ever be a “victim” of
physical, mental, psychological or monetary harm as only a person belonging to
a religious minority can be deemed to be victimized under Section 3 (k) of the
Bill! The Bill, incidentally, does not apply to Jammu and Kashmir where the
Hindus are a religious minority and from where they have been “displaced” –
euphemism for ethnic cleansing. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Hindus
will be denied protection even from hate speech as under Section 8 of the Bill
speech can degenerate into “Hate Propaganda” only when its object is the
religious minority which, alone, is considered deserving of being protected
against “Sexual Assault” under Section 7 of the Bill; a Hindu cannot even
complain of rape, affront or sexual indignity where an offence of communal
violence is committed. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">“Organized
Communal and Targeted Violence” has been defined under Section 9 to exclude
associations of religious minorities undertaking communal and targeted violence
against Hindus; such associations of religious minorities, so the Bill
presumes, cannot ever commit the offence of organized communal and targeted
violence against Hindus. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Incidentally
“organized communal and targeted violence”, “hate propaganda” and “sexual
assault” have been legally defined by the Bill for the first time and made
punishable under Chapter VIII there being no other statute defining or dealing
with these offences. These offences, therefore, are wrongs which only a
religious minority can seek redressal against with no similar remedy available
to the religious majority. Law, thus, is separate and unequal for the Hindus
and the Hindus find themselves in a situation even worse than American blacks
under segregation! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">In
fact the Bill has provision about “presumption as to offences” under Section 72
and “organized communal and targeted violence” punishable under Section 113
with rigorous imprisonment for life (which punishment is reserved only for the
religious majority) can also be presumed under Section 72(2) of the Bill; an
accused (who can only be a member of the religious majority) can thus be
condemned for life on a mere presumption. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Even
compensation, restitution and rehabilitation under Chapter VII of the Bill
(comprising of Sections 87 to 110) is confined only to the religious minority
and the “duty”, under Section 89, of the Government to protect “life, liberty
and property” is owed by it only to a member of the religious and linguistic
minority. Life, therefore, has meaning, liberty has substance and property has
value only if it belongs to the religious minority; they are otherwise bereft
of worth should the claimant be a Hindu. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">“Personhood”
itself is recognized only in members of a religious minority as Section 95 of
the Bill stipulates that they alone are the “persons” who can be injured by
organized communal and targeted violence to be entitled to be registered as
being so injured. The criteria, as are generally understood, for being
recognized as a “person” are that he (1) is alive, (2) is aware, (3) feels
positive and negative sensations, (4) has emotions, (5) has a sense of self,
(6) controls its own behaviour, (7) recognises other persons and treats them
appropriately, and (8) has a variety of sophisticated cognitive abilities. The
Bill, thus, denies these attributes exist in the members of the majority
community. The outrage in the name of such an obnoxiously malignant Bill could
not have been dared had the dignity of personhood been conceded to a Hindu. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
“guarantee” to ensure “access to justice” under Section 110 of the Bill is,
thus, limited by the Bill only to a member of religious and linguistic
minority; this access is denied to the members of the majority community. And
in assessing compensation under Sections 99 to 101 of the Bill provision is
made for “moral injury” only in the context of religious minorities as if
principles of morality can be invoked only if the aggrieved is a member of the
religious minority.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
Bill promotes a negative stereotype about Hindus. Although the expression is
not used (and is coupled with “linguistic” minority the occasions of which
minority being involved being few and far-between) the intent behind the Bill
is yet obvious. Allport dealt with such behavior while coining the term
“antilocution” – verbal remarks against a community which are not directly
addressed at the target and create an environment where discrimination is
acceptable. This is the first stage in the scales of prejudice the verbal
remarks aggravating first to avoidance of the community, then discrimination
and physical attack against it and eventually leading to its extermination. The
Bill, thus, creates an environment of hostility towards Hindus and promotes the
demeaning of them under the garb of “secular democracy” preliminary to their
subsequent avoidance, attack upon them and their eventual extermination.
Rendered alien in their own country, Hindus will thus be made hostage to a
system devised to devour them. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
Bill serves as a polarizing propaganda dividing the population between “us and
them” denying the very humanity of the excluded group (read Hindus) and
combines this separation with hatred towards the latter while simultaneously
denying that any wrong is being committed giving discrimination itself the
cloak of law. And it does this in the name of “equal protection of laws” and
“upholding secular democracy” as if debasing, degrading and disparaging Hindus
is the only way of upholding secular democracy and ensuring equal protection.
The Bill, therefore, is manifestly arbitrary, is contrary to the principle of
constitutionalism, its restrictive definitions and artificial classification
revealing it as illogical, unfair and unjust piece of legislation. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">This
separation of persons on the basis of religion has no objective or reasonable
justification as victim of a wrong cannot denied redress merely because of his
religious orientation and, similarly, a criminal act will not become less so
because the religious belief of its perpetrator. Under the Bill a Hindu in most
states of India even if injured abused or intimidated or forced to leave his
residence because of his being a Hindu cannot ever be recognized as a victim
nor be permitted to allege any physical, mental, psychological or monetary harm
nor also be statutorily entitled to compensation, restitution or rehabilitation
and the Government is under no obligation to guarantee him protection, prevent
recurrence of violence or ensure for him access to justice. A Hindu, the Bill
presumes, cannot ever be “vulnerable” to communal violence nor be subject to
“an unfair or unjust investigation” into the same. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Incidentally
a member of a religious minority can complain under Section 67 to the National
Authority about “biased” nature of investigation and further investigation or
re-investigation can then be ordered under Section 68. “Public Order” is in the
exclusive domain of the State. Provisions like the ones contained in the Bill
make an intrusion into a forbidden territory encroaching even upon the reserve
of States violating the distribution of authority under the federal structure
in an unrestrained enthusiasm for pandering to religious minorities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
National Authority, in fact, cannot merely call for any information not only
from the Central Government but even the State Government under Section 30 and
recommend “initiation of proceedings for prosecution or such other action”
under Section 34 and can further demand “action taken” within one month or “such
further time as the National Authority may allow” there-under. This is apart
from the duty not only of the Central Government but “the State Government and
public servant at all levels” to take appropriate action “on all advisories and
recommendations” issued by the National Authority and re-investigate where a
victim is aggrieved “about any procedure of investigation including lack of
impartiality and fairness.” The Authority therefore will police even the State
Government. In fact Section 69 of the Bill obligates the State Government
(which has no discretion but is under a duty to so do under the Bill) to “order
an inquiry” into “discharge of public functions by public servants” concerning
organized communal and targeted violence, the Bill thus interfering even with
state public services.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
method of investigation itself is sought to be controlled through Sections 62
to 66 of the Bill which even specifies the rank of the police officer, in
Section 60, who has to conduct investigation. These provisions cannot be saved
by Entry 2 of List III because they are ex-facie discriminatory changing
criminal procedure according to the religion of the complainant. Similarly
while Special Public Prosecutors are contemplated under Section 76 of the Bill
even these prosecutors can be changed merely on “information received from a
victim or informant”, the State Government is being denied any choice or
discretion in the matter being bound to comply under the Bill to the wishes of
the victim. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
utter asymmetry of the entire mechanism is apparent from Section 83 of the Bill
which states that a member of religious minority “should be treated with
fairness, respect and dignity” – a right even otherwise implicit in the
judicial process of India thus suggesting in a sinister fashion that express
mention as a statutory right under the Bill is necessary as “fairness” is
generally denied to religious minorities and the mandate of law is followed
more in breach where the minorities are concerned. This is re-enforced by
section 84 which makes elaborate provision for protection of “victims,
informants and witnesses” all of whom can only be religious minorities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">It
is thus assumed by the Bill that the system prevalent in India is biased in
favour of the Hindus and special protection is necessary only for religious
minorities. The utter absurdity of this position becomes apparent in the
provisions dealing with the Authority for Communal Harmony Justice and
Reparation created by the Bill (Chapter IV for Central Authority and Chapter V
for States) to exercise the power and perform the functions assigned under the
Bill; this Authority is composed of a mere seven individuals which number, so
the Bill contemplates, would be able to control an entire polity of bigoted
Hindus running into several crores - most of whom (so the Bill will make us
believe) are volitionally disposed towards criminality and are intent upon
communalizing law - and not only effectively prosecute and punish all of them
unaffected by the prevalent and immanent institutional bias in their favour but
have access to and use their resources (generated through taxation) to
compensate the persecuted religious minorities and provide them relief and
rehabilitation. If the system is so crooked and the religious majority so
unprincipled, perfidious and unscrupulous to require an extraordinary piece of
legislation like this Bill how can it be presumed that a body of just seven
people with its secretarial staff (composed again suborned and tainted Hindus)
will be able to effectively function and “implement” its provisions for the
benefit of the religious minority? <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">This
Authority, moreover, has seven members under Sections 20 and 42 of the Bill.
The majority of its seven members have to belong to the religious or linguistic
minority under Section 20(3) and 42(3). Its Chairperson and Vice-Chairperson
must also belong to the said minority the Bill presuming that a member of the
religious majority (read Hindus) cannot be trusted with such responsibility.
The religious orientation of members of religious majority is deemed by the
Bill to disincline them from being right or fair and render them incapable of
ensuring communal harmony. This approach is akin to racial profiling and
entails denial of dignity to the religious majority, stigmatizing the community
as a whole and without any individualized suspicion against any of its members
excluding him from consideration altogether. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Bigotry
and intolerance stands codified in the Bill. This sectarian and dogmatic
Authority can, paradoxically, undertake any function “it may consider necessary
for prevention of communal and targeted violence” and towards that end “monitor
and review performance of duties by public servants” in Sections 30 and 52 of
the Bill. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
Authority, therefore, has been given absolute power to hold any official to
account on standards which it will subjectively decide and claim the right to
interfere on perceived harm to a religious minority and likely impact of any
action. This committee or <i>junta </i>of political elite is allowed by the
Bill to monopolize power and penetrate the deepest reaches of the political
system and impose the authoritarian regime of a chauvinistic ideology on
members of the Hindu community. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
very basis of the Bill is therefore flawed. Thus under the Bill a public
servant who inflicts cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment on a person
belonging to the majority community is not guilty of “torture” as Section 12
limits it to a person “inflicting pain and suffering” on a person belonging to
a religious minority alone, nor can he be ever guilty of “dereliction of duty”
under Section 13 as omission or abuse of authority is actionable only if it
impacts a person belonging to a religious minority. Incidentally, under the
sections aforementioned, a religious minority can allege torture for any kind
of “pain or suffering” (which expression is not defined in the Bill) and can
hold any public servant to account even for an act “likely to lead” to communal
and targeted violence. Innocent acts can thus be criminalized on the mere
feeling of a victim! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">And
as if this was not enough a mutation is made by the Bill in concepts and this
miscegenation is shameless presented as law. Thus “Command Responsibility” has
been introduced under Sections 14 and 15 of the Bill for the exclusive benefit
of a religious minority. It is significant to note that this is a doctrine of
hierarchical accountability in cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity
during armed conflict. It was applied in World War II prosecutions in Nuremberg
and Tokyo and again by the International Criminal Tribunals for Former
Yugoslavia and Rawanda. International Criminal Law extends the doctrine to
armed groups operating under sophisticated command structures aside from
military forces in conflicts where militarized forces are either attacking the
army of a recognized state or fighting with each other. In its applying
“Command Responsibility” to communal and targeted violence the Bill is truly
unique extending the doctrine to a situation to which it has never been
applied. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">The
Bill is like the notorious “Jim Crow Laws” which sanctioned racial segregation
in the United States of America between 1876 and 1965. These laws systematized
advantages to white Americans and subjected the black Americans to inferior
treatment. The laws institutionalized racism and sanctioned discrimination in
policing and criminal justice. And the laws were justified as being necessary
for the protection of the blacks themselves as allowing them in places where
the whites frequent would mean "constantly subjecting them to adverse
feeling and opinion", which might lead to "a morbid race
consciousness". The Bill puts the Hindus in the same position of
disability as Jim Crow Laws put the blacks denying them the same rights and
subjecting them to greater disabilities and paradoxically suggesting, much in
the same manner as the white supremacists that the Bill is necessary for them
as otherwise they will be lead to “a morbid sense of Hindu consciousness”. The
only difference is that the Bill is the first instance of such a discriminatory
law being drafted to the detriment not of any helpless minority but of the
majority community. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Leading
criminal law philosophers have argued that conduct should only be criminalized
when it is fair to do so. In particular, such theorists assert that objective
reasons are needed to demonstrate that it is fair to criminalize conduct in any
given case. Having criminal remedies in place is seen as a "last
resort" since such actions often infringe personal liberties. Far from
transforming behavior into crime on any objective considerations the Bill
allows prejudice to criminalize an act. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">Judenhass
</span></i><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">or Jew Hatred
is a well documented phenomenon. Helen Fein defines it as "a persisting
latent structure of hostile beliefs towards Jews as a collective manifested in
individuals as attitudes, and in culture as myth, ideology, folklore and
imagery, and in actions – social or legal discrimination, political
mobilization against the Jews, and collective or state violence – which results
in and/or is designed to distance, displace, or destroy Jews as Jews."
Helen Fein could well have been talking of Ant-Hinduism! His definition of
anti-semitism can well apply to negative perception and religious intolerance
to Hindus. Anti-Hindu bigotry, of which this Bill is an example, is no less
vicious though yet not as well documented. The Bill is enacted in the tradition
of Indophobes who berated Hindus as blasphemers and denigrated them as demonic.
It would do Christian missionaries like Francis Xavier and Muslim clerics like
Ziauddin Barrani proud. While the Jews got their Israel the Bill is symbolic of
Hindus losing their Bharat! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="Default" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="Default">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif";">AMAN
LEKHI <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">SENIOR
ADVOCATE, SUPREME COURT OF INDIA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-90547083792133711802013-09-22T22:32:00.000-07:002013-09-22T22:32:10.993-07:00PM TO FOCUS ON COMMUNAL VIOLENCE AT NIC MEET MONDAY<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b><span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;">The
controversial anti-communal violence bill, which has been hanging fire for some
years, would also be discussed at the NIC meeting with an aim to evolve
consensus on the issue.<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;">Incidents
of communal violence would be high on the agenda of Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh when he addresses the National Integration Council meeting here Monday,
informed sources said.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
The meeting, coming against the backdrop of the Sep 7 riots in Muzaffarnagar of
western Uttar Pradesh which left over 40 dead and thousands displaced, will
discuss ways to curb hate propaganda and deal with incidents of communal
violence. The security of women and weaker sections of society will also be on
the agenda of the meeting, the sources said. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
The NIC would take up the use of social media by certain sections in fanning
violence. Fake videos put up on social media were cited by police as the spark
that set off the Muzaffarnagar conflagration. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
The meeting would consider how the social media could also be tapped to promote
national integration and reduce communal tension.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;">The
controversial Anti-communal Violence Bill, which has been hanging fire for some
years, would also be discussed at the NIC meeting with an aim to evolve
consensus on the issue.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
Recently, a group of Muslim leaders who met the Prime Minister over incidents
of communal violence across India stressed the need for a bill to effectively
deal with the issue.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
The meeting assumes significance as the Union Home Ministry has estimated that
instances of communal violence could go up in an election year, as these would
be engineered in a bid to polarise voters.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
Five states are set for Assembly polls this year-end, and general elections
2014 are scheduled to be held around April next year.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
The NIC was constituted to combat the evils of communalism, casteism,
regionalism, linguism and narrow-mindedness, as a follow-up of the National
Integration Conference under then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in September-October
1961.<br />
<br />
The first meeting of the NIC was held in 1962. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;">In
the meeting held 1968, the NIC declared its objectives as unity in diversity,
freedom of religions, secularism, equality, justice -- social, economic and
political -- and fraternity among all communities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
The NIC, however, notes with concern the increase in communal incidents in
different parts of the country over the last few years. The council emphasises
that notwithstanding sporadic occurrences of communal and other divisive conflict,
the vast majority of common men and women, irrespective of religious
affiliation, live in peace and harmony and have no interest in violence and
disorder. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: 'Palatino Linotype', serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br />
The council holds that the task of amity and peace between communities is not
the governments alone, but the collective responsibility of all citizens --
politicians, educationists, artists, writers, teachers, parents and students,
intellectuals, businessmen and trade union leaders.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="http://newindianexpress.com/nation/PM-to-focus-on-communal-violence-at-NIC-meet-Monday/2013/09/22/article1797774.ece#">http://newindianexpress.com/nation/PM-to-focus-on-communal-violence-at-NIC-meet-Monday/2013/09/22/article1797774.ece#</a> </div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-76133709375237258912013-09-09T00:11:00.002-07:002013-09-09T00:11:50.244-07:00Islam and Religious Riots, A Case Study: Riots & Wrongs<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 27pt;">Riots</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 27pt;"> </span><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Papyrus; font-size: 36pt;">&</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 27pt;"> Wrongs</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 27pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTPAS5cuphEXC6k_lW2isf0NUz5EaSWI_D9u02QaknInWt0ywvfcvzbgc2MgQIq9cnR5ps4S_BcYno-HlVCb6NyLfbdfQESl0mwPAwI4nsCmVqDzW6h4OqMV-U-q3dQsfx1lEGcT4LrQM/s1600/Riots+%2526+Wrongs.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjTPAS5cuphEXC6k_lW2isf0NUz5EaSWI_D9u02QaknInWt0ywvfcvzbgc2MgQIq9cnR5ps4S_BcYno-HlVCb6NyLfbdfQESl0mwPAwI4nsCmVqDzW6h4OqMV-U-q3dQsfx1lEGcT4LrQM/s400/Riots+%2526+Wrongs.jpg" width="276" /></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Book : Hard Bound, 364 page, second edition-2012<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Author : R.N.P. Singh<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Publisher : <b>CARRIED - </b></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">A Unit of Samarth - a trust,</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Palatino Linotype, serif;">Bay Online: <a href="http://goo.gl/uvAvFD">http://goo.gl/uvAvFD</a></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Post Box No. 7312, Sriniwaspuri, New Delhi: 1100</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">65</span><br />
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><a href="mailto:carried.publication@samarth.co.in"><span style="color: blue;">carried.publication@samarth.co.in</span></a></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Price for India : </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Rupee; font-size: 12pt;">` 2</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">50.00 + Postal Expenditure<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Price for Overseas : US $ 25.00 + Postal Expenditure<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Algerian; font-size: 26pt;">W</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">hat M V Kamath says about the book (Madhav Vittal Kamath is an Indian Journalist. He was the former Chairman of Prasar Bharti. He worked as the editor of The Sunday Times (India) for two years during 1967-69 and as Washington Correspondent of Times of India during 1969-78. He has also served as editor of The Illustrated Weekly of India. He has also authored over 40 books on various topics. He was awarded Padma Bhushan in 2004.)</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"> “... Singh’s (R.N.P. Singh) book has a sub title: “Riots & Wrong” which tells it all. Singh incidently, is not just anybody. If he speaks with authority, it is because he is an ex-Officer of the Intelligence Bureau, has been the recipient of the President’s Police Medal and the Indian Police Medal. Just as importantly, this book carries a foreword by K P S Gill, former DGP of Punjab. Gill is very forthright in his comments. He writes “Much of the secular discourse in India has been based on a politically correct refusal to confront the nature of religious communities and institutions and their past and present activities, and the fiction that ‘all religions are equal’ and that their inherent message is the same. The truth is, unless communities acknowledge reality warts and all and recognise the transgressions of their own history within a constructive context, no real solution to the issue of communal polarisation and violence in India can be brought about.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“This is telling truth ...Singh’s case study of religious riots in India is comprehensive and is probably the first book of its kind, at least in recent times. It is divided into four parts.</span><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“Part I take a fresh look at Islam and conflicts. Part II makes an enquiry into why Hindu-Muslim synthesis has failed and studies why peaceful co-existence with other communities is anathema to Islam. Part III deals with communalism and communal riots and what the author calls ‘single dimensional approach to riots’. It also makes an effort at taking a realistic perspective of communal riots. Part IV consists of chronological overview of all communal riots in India for over two centuries beginning at a time when there was no BJP, no VHP, no RSS and no Narendra Modi.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<br />
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZ03W94wHRzkMCSb9bcsOgdi0oDUxp6XV_OXni9o1Ye-MFPksKsuuuUe52QuJZ1eAkdSaWMA8pXxAliJxeOZK32qZpC324dj5StB69iELdH9CuEvCTdfgunUEbnbzMyHus80fN-gr5U1A/s1600/Riots+kps+Gill2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZ03W94wHRzkMCSb9bcsOgdi0oDUxp6XV_OXni9o1Ye-MFPksKsuuuUe52QuJZ1eAkdSaWMA8pXxAliJxeOZK32qZpC324dj5StB69iELdH9CuEvCTdfgunUEbnbzMyHus80fN-gr5U1A/s400/Riots+kps+Gill2.jpg" width="276" /></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“Unless one studies this background to communal violence he will never be able to understand contemporary life in India. Then of course, there are appendices and tables in connection with communal riots. This is the work of a scholar and expert. The accompanying bibliography clearly indicates that Singh has taken his job seriously and read widely.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“... Conventional wisdom attributes the malaise, says Singh, to the British strategy of ‘divide and rule’ implemented in the wake of first struggle for freedom in 1857. That is partly true. Yes, the British did attempt to separate Hindus and Muslims to keep both under subjugation but there have been riots in India even before the British consolidation of their power in this country. It is interesting to learn that the “first communal riot” took place in Ahmedabad in 1713. That by itself calls for further study. Gujarat, it seems has been peculiarly susceptible to communal riots and there have been riots in Ahmedabad in 1730, in 1737, and some other times. But Hindu-Muslim riots have had an all India character, riots having taken place in 1806, 1809, 1813, 1820, 1833, 1837, 1850, 1853 and so right upto 1897.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“Singh believes that the post- independence riots were “perhaps due to the Hindus heightened distrust towards Muslims and vice versa” and that “typical Muslims outlook towards nationality, nationalism and a soft corner for the partitioned part that is Pakistan, further fuelled it. And he adds “The Muslims who stayed back in India were perhaps hopeful of further partition of India if the situation so demanded”. To buttress this point Singh adds “shortly after partition, the views of one Qamaruddin Khan Spokesperson of Aligarh Muslim University, appears in ‘Light’ of Lahore. He advised the Indian Muslims to lie low for some time owing to tactical reasons and that soon they should stand up for a similar cause, that is to demand partition of Muslim majority areas of India”. Wrote Qamaruddin Khan “the five crore Muslims who were compelled to stay back in India would have to fight for another freedom struggle. The fight would be mainly fought on the eastern end and the western areas bordering Pakistan did not mean that the Indian Muslims would invite Pakistan for help. However, it was certain that Pakistan’s presence in the neighbourhood would embolden the Muslims. The Indian Muslims have won half of the battle and for total victory they will have to scheme out another plan.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“Further Qamaruddin Khan wrote “At the moment, the Muslims should refrain from politically confronting Hindus. After a while the Indian Muslims should try to develop concentrated pockets. The Indian Muslims should maintain close relations with Pakistan and for running organisations; they should take help from them”. Can this possibly be one explanation why there have been too many communal riots in Gujarat, which incidentally is geographically close to Pakistan and our secularists and liberals must study this further.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">“Singh’s book is an excellent introduction to the subject. He refers to the Khalistani movement in Punjab, Pakistan’s support to it and the involvement of the ISI in Indian affairs. This is a book for our editors to read and digest...”</span></div>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt;">*********************************</span></div>
</div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-4421413329720188802013-09-06T04:27:00.001-07:002013-09-06T04:27:32.155-07:00INTELLECTUAL POLICING OF ISLAM - Dr. Babu Suseelan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Since independence from British
Christian Colonialists, a number of developments have occurred in India that
played an important part in shaping Hindu life. In the first place, India was
divided by Isalamists and bogus secular political leaders. There has been an
increased recognition that all Muslims will go to PAKISTAN, an Islamic country.
We have elected an atheist and anti-Hindu man Jawaharlal Nehru as the Prime
Minister of India. Nehru believed in Islam, and his beliefs, thinking and
action encouraged Muslims in India remain in India and to preach Islamic hatred
and indulge in violence as prescribed in the Koran. Nehru and the anti-national
Congress party have opened up the appeasement policy and special reservation
and quota systems for Muslims. The activities the Nehru dynasty has in
subsequent years have resulted in the demographic increase of Muslims.
Subsequent Prime Ministers like Indira Gandhi, V.P.Singh, Deva Gowda, Man Mohan
Singh etc, continued pro-Islamic policies and programs. The ruling parties
increased Hajj subsidy and pseudo secular Hindus never criticized pro-Islamist
policies and or unwilling to let the majority HINDUS STUDY THE Contemporary
issues created by Islamic terrorists. Indian intellectuals, leftist liberals
and pseudo secular Hindus never studied India beset by problems which are
universally ascribed to inept handling of Islamic terrorism. Indian
intellectuals, leftist academicians, and corrupt political leaders and phony
secular leaders were reluctant to study the vital current Indian problems. What
are the reasons for this?</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">In the first place, many pseudo
secular Hindus think that Sana than Dharma is eternal and have the attitude
that “all religions are the same” and special study of Islam is unnecessary.
Almost every political leaders, businessmen, military leaders, criminal justice
administrators, religious leaders, and journalists, consider themselves as good
Hindu and believes that they already know the ethical facts and principles of
Hinduism on the basis of their own experience in dealing with Muslims.
Unquestionably, these individuals, and other Hindus are responsible for the
current predicaments and many of the social problems. But it is just as
obviously true that they do not know enough to deal with some of the most
significant social problems created my Islamists. Despite the vast erroneous
knowledge and irrational information, they will find among good men the world
over like Indian culture. India’s intellectuals, Marxist academicians and
the media pundits in India lack the knowledge how to handle problems created by
Islamists. Industrial and social unrest, hate, prejudice, crime, violence,
Islamic terrorism, corruption and love jihad continue to be major problems in
India. But everywhere practical knowledge is lacking to problems created by
Islamists. It must be pointed out that Indian administrators and criminal
politicians lack the knowledge how to prevent the Islamic savages who succeed
in killing Hindus.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">The lack of understanding of Islam and
Jihad results in failure to contain savage behavior of Muslims. Hindus are
under constant threats from Islamists and in many states; Hindus are living in
a prison of Islamic terror. And where are the bogus secularists, Indian
liberals, Communist academicians and leftist intellectuals to educate the
majority when they fear Islamic terror. It does not take a lot of imagination
to understand how people behave when they are discriminated by the government
and surrounded and attacked by Islamic savages.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">In Kashmir all Hindus are killed. Some
Hindus and other infidels or driven out, and they are living in refugee camps
in their own country. Kerala, the land of Snakaracharya, Muslims will outnumber
Hindus in few years. What does it say about the states of truth about Jihad,
when the mainstream Indian media joins with corrupt politicians and Islamists?
We can predict the outcome. Indian media, owned and operated by our enemies
blame Hindus for their suffering by Islamic terrorists. Hindu women are raped;
business attacked yet, the media blame the myopic Hindus. Good information is
easily accessible and easily available on the atrocious behavior of Islamic
criminals committed against innocent citizens. If the government administrators
and Indian educated elites and leftist academicians want to eliminate full
Jihad in India it is still possible. In India, there is a vacuum on the pseudo
secular left, and Jihadist knows how to take full advantage.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Rather than seek to cultivate a united
ideological font against Islam, jihadi terrorist’s ideological roots,
government of India, and Indian intellectuals did in fact did unilateral and
emotionally irrelevant appeasement policy and played Islamic vote bank
politics. It was like a hydra growing new heads.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">However, the distinction between Islam
(a closed desert Dogma) and open ended, systemic, pluralistic, Hinduism simply
should not be pushed aside without an attempt to diagnose and exorcise some of
the social, psychological, criminal problems created by Islamists by Indian
intellectuals. And it is now a question of trying to find why Indian
intellectuals, educated elites, and our politicians refuse to see the
stereotypical presentation of Hinduism and Hindus in India and abroad. Are they
suffering from a virulent form of cognitive disorder, unable to see the
reality? “Cognitive Nihilism” hit them? Indian intellectual’s ideological
prejudice shared with pseudo secular Hindus who are in deep denial, apathetic
and indifferent. It would not take a genius to realize that there are
distinction between Islam and Hinduism. Hinduism is highly eclectic, systemic,
pluralistic, and open-ended and provides liberty to individuals. One wonders,
why India’s intellectuals refuse to see the difference between a closed dogma
and open ended Hindu philosophy. Although Islam is often powerfully associated
with state and central government in India, how can we deny the fact that
Muslims have killed more than 80 million Hindus, and is associated with mass
killing and violence and terrorism? Hinduism is peaceful, analytic, and
methodological. Very few Islamic theologians or Mullahs will admit that Islam
is extremely parochial and encourage its followers to annihilate all infidels
from the world (Umwelt) and create dar-l-islam. They are not interested in
philosophical analysis. Muslims are clever in al-taquiea (lying) and disguises
and disarms a more profound and interesting possible about the intentions of
jihadi terrorists in India. Like caged parrots, Muslims are still singing
that “Islam is peace”. It is clear, that the truthfulness of Islam is
questionable. There is something intellectually cowardly about their claims. AS
closed dogmatic and aggressive fundamentalists, Islamic theologians and Mullahs
refuse to face intellectual challenges and dialogue. </span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Many phony secular Hindus, corrupt
politician, Islamic religious leaders and corrupt bureaucrats have the attitude
that Hindu values and life principles are unnecessary. Every criminal
politician in India thinks that they know Hinduism and already know the
essential facts about Islam, Maoism, and Marxism. On the basis of their own
experience in dealing with Marxists, Maoists, and Islamists.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">The division between Santana Dharma and
Islam is the expression of a commitment o Mohammad and freedom of thought. And
more over it is an eternal conflict of differing and opposed habit of thought.
The deeper point is that the philosophical and cultural truth matters. Whatever
they might be, we have to take sides, and there by become a part of sane world.
Islamists claim that their Saudi Arabian Islam is perfect and is a perfected
and closed and the Koran which contains traditional Saudi Arabian culture,
absurdities and irrational ideas for aggression and violence against infidels
needs no renaissance, revision or reformation. What Muslims have to understand,
then is the broadmindedness and tolerance of Hindus.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Indian intellectuals, Politicians and
Hindus must exhibit a commitment to neutralize Islam and Muslim Jihadis.
Incorrect, intellectually dishonest and phony statements that “all religions
are the same” simply serve to perpetuate Islamic terrorism against Hindus. </span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Hinduism is no longer confines to
India. As an NRI Hindu, I feel that Hinduism has so much to offer to the world
beset by Islamic terrorists, coercive religious conversion and interpersonal
problems. As responsible citizens of a democratic world, NRI Hindus and Indian
intellectuals must apply the science of Hindutva to problems created by the
desert dogma called Islam. India will prosper if Indian citizens can understand
the current division in culture. It is extremely impossible for India to avoid
corruption, Jihadi terrorism, criminal behavior of Maoists, and Muslims unless
Indian intellectuals come to the view that Islam is cruel, rude, closed, nasty,
and brutish.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">In my view the cultural pathology of
Muslim Jihadist must be stopped. As a final thought, we might consider
that there are two cultures-one humanistic, pluralistic, systemic,
rationalistic, peaceful and tolerant. The other (ISLAM) is against democracy,
human rights, pluralism, peace, and co-existence and even distorts humanist
modernity. Muslims are brutal, intolerant, and aggressive. Hinduism is
truth and meaning, knowledge and wisdom. Islam is opposed to harmony, religious
tolerance, and not in favor of social progress, science, technology and modern
industry. </span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Islamists are probably the absolute
worse human right violators of Hindus in the world. Since the Indian media and
the Sonia administration have in varying degrees decided to ignore or whitewash
this otherwise growing epidemic of human pain and suffering of Hindus. Muslims
are conditioned to believe that Hindus are hypocrites, fanatical, intolerant
and the source of the world’ vows. In fact, Hindus are the by far the most
persecuted religious groups around the world.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">The situation has gone from bad to
worse, politically in the light of the fact that there is no intellectual
policing of Islam. The so Called anti-Hindu Indian Intellectuals are cohort
with Islamic theologians and Mullahs and refuse to take intellectual challenges
to Islam. It is very unfortunate that Indian academicians are unable or
unwilling to an intellectual/philosophical challenge to Islam. Indian
Intellectual elites are unable or unwilling to develop a consensus that the
Islamic threat is significant.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">I wish, pro-Islamist corrupt
politicians, leftist academicians, and elite pseudo secular Indian
intellectuals read all the passages in the Koran which promote, instigate and
motivate Muslims for violence against infidels. </span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Intellectual policing of Islam and
continued dialogue on the philosophy of Mohamed may reduce antagonism and
mutual misrepresentation between the closed Islam and open ended Hinduism.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif;">Intellectual policing of Islam must be
an essential part of in the life Hindu culture.</span></b><o:p></o:p></div>
</div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-68701873828222483892013-09-06T04:09:00.002-07:002013-09-06T04:09:26.737-07:00Reserve Bank of India Eyes Temple Gold? - Ram Kumar Ohri, IPS (Retd) <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">No one knows what is cooking in the
cook-house of our flambuoyant Finance Minister, P. Chidambram. The truth perhaps is known only to the ruling
Trimurti of Sonia Gandhi, Ahmed Patel and Dr. Manmohan Singh. The Finance
Minister, too, is a bit-player in the ongoing gold-game!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Despite an official denial in the
Parliament that the central government has no intention of grabbing temple gold
to tide over the looming monetary crisis and freefall of Indian Rupee, a number
of temples in Kerala are reported to have received letters from the Reserve
Bank of India seeking details about the quantum and value of gold held by them.
This has caused a fresh wave of panic among Hindu worshippers, not only in
Kerala but several parts of south India because a majority of temples in south
India are managed by Devasthan Boards controlled by respective State governments.
The Regional Director of of RBI, Gangadharan is reported to have confirmed to
IANS that such a communication has been sent to the temple authorities. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ever since July 2011 when a Supreme
Court appointed Committee stumbled upon six vaults of the famous
Sri Padmanabhaswamy temple of Thiruvananthapuram the treasures worth
several lakh crores have received the attention of the financially- stressed central government,
despite official denials notwithstanding. The common refrain in whisper-tones across Lutyen’s New Delhi is under
whose orders the Reserve Bank of India has asked for this gilt-edged
information totally beyond the role assigned to the central bank! <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">The Reserve
Bank of India is the central bank of India. Its functions and role in managing
the monetary system has been elaborated in the RBI Act, 1934. But the aforesaid legislation does not
authorize the central bank to quantify and oversee the gold held by Hindu
temples. Then why and how this letter has been addressed to temples of Hindu
community alone!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-29736007111707788812013-09-05T05:07:00.001-07:002013-09-05T05:07:10.539-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 8<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">
<!--[endif]--></span>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Considering the various judgments of
the Apex Court and High Court, Hinduism represents Indian culture and not a
religion, which includes Sikhism, Jainism, Buddhism, Arya Samaj, Kabir Panth,
Radha Swamy, Dhan Nirankar and Lingayats etc., the philosophy and thoughts and
belief in which Lord, Ram, Lord Krishna, Shaivismwere considered God and a
number of other Religions founded by a number of Saints, Acharyas or Panths and
several other Philosophers. Each and every tribal, castes, sub-castes have
their own God or Goddess, different way of life, different beliefs and thoughts
and most of them have different way of worship, all Tribals have different
religion with different God and Goddess.</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-US"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Bhaktimarg, Philosophy of Rama Krishna Panth and
Vivekanand Karmayog, Shaivists, thoughts of Gita and several Religions founded
by Philosphers and Thinkers such as OSO by Acharya Rajnish, ISCON, who believes
in Lord Krishna only. The propounders in the Gyan Yog founded by Saints,
philosophers and religious thoughts, Kabirpanthis, and thousands of such
thoughts, way of worship and Beliefs.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Basic concept of Hinduism is that way of reaching
to the eternal truth and to the Almighty is manifold and has given freedom to
all the members of the society to reach to the Almighty through their own way
as thoughts, belief the way of worship may be different. Such freedom in the
field of religion on Indian soil is derived from thousands of philosophies,
Thoughts and different ways of worship, traditions and belief from time to time
throughout the history of India. Combination of such religion, thought, belief
or way to reach to the eternal truth is Hinduism. Hinduism cannot be equated as
religion but it represents a civilization & culture and way of life born
and brought up on Indian soil and as such the arguments of Sri N.A. Khan that
Muslims minority may be considered 50% to the largest religious community,
i.e., Hindu is totally unsustainable in law. Every religion, thought, belief
way of worship born and broughtup on Indian soil is altogether
different/distinct from each other within the fold of Indian culture which
assimilate in Hindu culture. In view of the discussions made above that more
than several hundred religions within the fold of Hindu culture constitute a
separate and distinct religion and each religion group is a religious minority
in India. Thus, all religious groups within the Hindu culture are religious
minority in comparison to single muslim religious majority of having population
of 18.50% in State of U.P. and 13.80% in all India basis.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">It is surprising that Union of India by
Notification dated 23.10.1993 recognized Sikhism, Jainism and Buddhism as
minorities and did not consider any other religion like Bahabi, Sufism,
Aryasamaj, Kabirpanthi, Aghorpath and other religions born and broughtup in
India as minorities, though the Apex Court in the case of Arya Samaj has
considered as Arya Samajis as a religious minority group in the State of
Punjab. The State of U.P. and Union of India by issuing the notification under
the National Minority Act, 1992, have not applied mind as to any other
Religious group at all. In fact, Buddhism and Jainism are also part of the
Indian culture. They were born and developed as a reformative religion in
Indian society. The Apex Court in Bal Patil and another V. Union of India and
others (supra) referred above considered question of minority and laid down
law.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">As stated (supra) that neither Union of India nor
State of Uttar Pradesh or Minority Commission of India or State Minority
Commission brought any material to show that what are the norms for declaring
any community as religious minority community, this Court on consideration of
proceedings of Constituent Assembly and judgments of the Apex Court considered
the question of religious minority and its various aspects, particularly, when
Sri S.M.A. Qazmi, learned Advocate General, State of Uttar Pradesh did not give
any assistance to the Court, though being Advocate General of the State of U.P.
he was expected to render assistance to the Court, but he only chose to depute
Sri B.N. Yadav and Sri Jai Krishna Tiwari, learned Standing Counsel, for
assistance of the Court, though hearing of the case continued for about three
months.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Thus the Constituent Assembly while framing
Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India was to provide equality of
minority and majority and not to give any privilege based on inequality.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Constituent Assembly provided protection to
Religious Minority Communities to ensure equality with rest of the society
which was felt necessary by the framers of Constitution of India taking into
consideration the circumstances prevailing at that time.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In Ahmedabad St. Xaviers' College Society Vs.
State of Gujarat, (1974) 1 SCC 717, in paragraph 9', the Apex Court has held
that:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"9. Every section of the public, the majority
as well as minority has rights in respect of religion as contemplated in
Articles 25 and 26 and rights in respect of language, script, culture as contemplated
in Article 29. The whole object of conferring the right on minorities under
Article 30 is to ensure that there will be equality between the majority and
the minority. If the minorities do not have such special protection they will
be denied equality."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Thus, the Constituent Assembly introduced Articles
29 and 30 of the Constitution of India to provide such rights to minority to
maintain equal right to them with majority and not to create any privilege or
inequality.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In (2005) 6 SCC 537, P.A. Inamdar and others Vs.
State of Maharashtra and others, (Seven Judges Bench), the Supreme Court of
India in Paragraph 95, has defined and considered the question of minority and
held linguistic and religious minority being a non-dominant group or
numerically less. Paragraph 95 of P.A. Inamdar case (Supra) is quoted as
follows:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"Minority" and "minority educations
institutions"</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"95. The term "minority" is not
defined in the Constitution. Chief Justice Kirpal, speaking for the majority in
T.M.A.Pai Foundation Vs. State of Karnataka, (2002) 8 SCC 481 took a clue from
the provisions of the States Reorganisation Act and held that in view of India
having been divided into different linguistic States, carved out on the basis
of the language of the majority of persons of that region, it is the State, and
not the whole of India, that shall have to be taken as the unit for determining
a linguistic minority vis-a-vis Article 30. Inasmuch as Article 30(1) places on
par religions and languages, he held that the minority status, whether by
reference to language or by reference to religion, shall have to be determined
by treating the State as a unit. The principle would remain the same whether it
is a Central legislation or a State legislation dealing with a linguistic or religious
minority, Khare, J. (as His Lordship then was), Quadri, J. and Variava and
Bhan, JJ. In their separate concurring opinions agreed with Kirpal, C.J.
According to Khare, J., take the population of any State as a unit, find out
its demography and calculate if the persons speaking a particular language or
following a particular religion are less than 50% of the population, then give
them the status of linguistic or religious minority. The population of the
entire country is irrelevant for the purpose of determining such status.
Quadri, J. opined that the word "minority" literally means "a
non-dominant" group. Ruma Pal, J. defined the word "minority" to
mean "numerically less". However, she refused to take the State as a
unit for the purpose of determining minority status as, in her opinion, the
question of minority status must be determined with reference to the country as
a whole. She assigned reasons for the purpose. Needless to say, her opinion is
a lone voice. Thus, with the dictum of Pai Foundation, it cannot be doubted
that a minority, whether linguistic or religious, is determinable only by a
reference to the demography of a State and not by taking into consideration the
population of the country as a whole."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">This Court after considering all the materials in
its entirety is of the view that so far as the linguistic minority is
concerned, 50% of the total population may be considered for recognising any
group as religious minority as after re-organisation of the States on
linguistic basis, the States may be considered for determining the linguistic
minority, but so far as religious minority is concerned, India is a secular
State and the States were not formed on the basis of religion, therefore, the
question further arises to be considered how population of 50% of the religious
minority or minority may be considered.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In view of the discussions made above, as this
Court has already described two kinds of religions (i) born on foreign land and
brought in India by foreigners, i.e., Islam, Christianity, Zoroastrian,
Parsees, Yahudis and (ii) born and broughtup in India, i.e., Buddhism, Jainsim,
Arya Samaj, Radha Swamy and several hundred other religious groups having
different God and Goddess with different thoughts, beliefs and way of life and
different way of worship discussed in the preceding Paragraphs of judgment
(supra) and any of such religions do not individually constitute a religious
majority group, but in fact reduced to minority. Only Muslim Religious
Community with 18.50% population in 2001 in State of Uttar Pradesh constitutes
single religious majority community. In 2001, Muslim Religious Community having
population of 3,07,40,198 is only single largest religious group in the State
of Uttar Pradesh which constitute majority religious group. There is no other
single religious community in Uttar Pradesh having such population, strength
and dominance. As has been discussed above that Hindu culture and civilisation
consists of several hundred religions and the Hindu Society is divided in
caste, creed and several ethnic groups and as such each and every religious
group forming Hinduism constitutes a minority religious group in comparison to
Muslims. It appears that the relevant part of report of Advisory Committee on
Minority (of Constituent Assembly) fixing percentage of the population of
religious minority groups on the basis of population & strength was not
brought to the notice of Apex Court, which fixed above 1-1/2% necessarily not
more than 2%. Even if considering the religious population, the Indian society
within the fold of Hindu culture consists of several hundreds of religious
groups, castes, sub-castes and several ethnic groups having different beliefs,
different thoughts, different way of worship and different way of life are
individually less than 50% and, thus, these religious groups also constitute
minority in comparison to Muslim Religious community. Some religious
communities believe Sri Ram as God, Lord Sri Krishna as God, Shiva as God,
Durga and Kali as Goddess, Pustimarg, Adwaitwad philosophy of Shankaracharya,
Sufism, Bahabi, Arya Samaj, Brahma Samaj, Rama Krishna Paramhans, Radha Swami
and several other religions discussed above (supra) following different
thoughts, beliefs and way of worship and considering their population and strength
they also constitute religious minority and are entitled to be recognised as
religious minority groups and protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the
Constitution of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">All religions other than Muslims mentioned above
(supra) in vogue in State of Uttar Pradesh constitute religious minority group
and as such the argument of learned counsel for the petitioners that all other
religious groups should be taken into account together and religious minority
could be considered in the context of entire Hindu Culture and Civilisation
while considering the Muslim religious minority is not acceptable, as has been
held by the Apex Court in Bal Patil's case (supra) that Hindu Society is
divided in different castes, sub-castes and different ethnic groups.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">This Court is of the firm view that Muslim
Religious Community now are not entitled to get any protection under Article 29
and 30 of the Constitution of India as a religious minority community in Uttar
Pradesh. The recent judgment reported in (2007) 2, SCC 1, I.R. Colho (dead) by
Lrs Vs. State of T.N of Nine Hon'ble Judges Bench of the Apex Court has laid
down that power exercised by the Constituent Assembly was a constituent power
given by the people of India. This Court after taking into consideration proceedings
of Constitutional Assembly as well as the report of Advisory Committee on
Minority is further of the firm view that the notification dated 23.10.1993
under the National Commission of Minority Act, 1992 issued by the Union of
India declaring Muslim as minority is liable to be amended as Muslim Religious
community is the only single largest Religious majority group in comparison to
other religious groups and is not entitle to get any protection under Articles
29 and 30 of the Constitution of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">A Constitution Bench judgment of the Apex Court in
Islamic Academy of Education and another v. State of Karnataka following T.M.A.
Pai Foundation case (supra) has discussed the law relating to minority in
Paragraphs 107 and 118 of the judgment, same are being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"107. The question, thus, has to be
considered keeping in view the fact that every Indian may be a minority, either
based on religion or language, in one part of the country of the other. The
right of a citizen as a minority in one part of the country cannot be higher
than his right as a member of majority in another part of the country.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">118.......If a measure tends to perpetuate
inequality and makes the goal of equality a mirage, such measure should not
receive the approval of the Court. The Court, in such circumstances, has to
mould the relief by indicating what would be the reasonable measure or action
which furthers the object of achieving equality. The concept of equality is not
a doctrinaire approach. It is a binding thread which runs through the entire
constitutional text. An affirmative action may, therefore, be constitutionally
valid by reason of Articles 15(4) and 16(4) and various directive principles of
State policy, but the Court cannot ignore the constitutional morality which
embraces in itself the doctrine of equality. It would be constitutionally
immoral to perpetuate inequality among majority people of the country in the
guise of protecting the constitutional rights of minorities and constitutional
rights of the backward and downtrodden. All the rights of these groups are part
of the right to social development which cannot render national interest and
public interest subservient to right of an individual or right of a
community."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Further, Paragraphs 42, 48 and 54 of a judgment of
the Apex Court in I.R. Ceolho (Dead) by Lrs. v. State of Tamil Nadu, (2007) 2
SCC, p.1, also supports my view that in order to get basic foundation of a
doctrine, the Court may go to the root and get the intention of Constitution
makers from the debates of the Constituent Assembly as Constituent Assembly was
given constituent power by the people of India. This Court has already
discussed judgments on minority as well as debates of Constituent Assembly.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Paragraphs 42, 48 and 54 of a judgment of the Apex
Court in I.R. Ceolho (Dead) by Lrs. v. State of Tamil Nadu (supra) are being
reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"42. The Constitution is a living document.
The constitutional provisions have to be construed having regard to the march
of time and the development of law.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">48. There is a difference between parliamentary
and constitutional sovereignty. Our Constitution is framed by a Constituent
Assembly which was not Parliament. It is in the exercise of law-making power by
the Constituent Assembly that we have a controlled Constitution. Articles 14,
19, 21 represent the foundational values which form the basis of the rule of
law.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">54. The distinction is drawn by the author between
the making of a Constitution by a Constituent Assembly which was not subject to
restraints by any external authority as a plenary law-making power and a power
to amend the Constitution, a derivative power derived from the Constitution and
subject to the limitations imposed by the Constitution. No provision of the
Constitution framed in exercise of plenary law-making power can be ultra vires
because there is no touchstone outside the Constitution by which the validity
of provision of the Constitution can be adjudged...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra), it has been
settled by the Apex Court that that Articles 14, 19 and 21 of the Constitution
of India stands for equality and rule of law and are part of basic structure of
the Constitution and cannot be abrogated. It was further held that Article 21
is the heart of the Constitution of India. Articles 15, 21 read with Articles
14 and 19 of the Constitution of India if allowed to be abrogated would
completely change basic structure of the Constitution of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Thus, on the discussion made above, the Court's
conclusions are as follows:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">1. Protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the
Constitution of India was not a privilege, but was a protection to the
Religious minority communities to attain equality with other religious groups
of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">2. Protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution
of India was given to such minorities categorised in three categories by the
Constituent Assembly on the basis of population & strength which were
non-dominant groups in India at the time of partition of India, i.e., (i)
having 1/2 per cent population and strength, (ii) having population and
strength less than 1-1/2% and (iii) having population and strength above
1-1/2%. That will be the basis of to determine minority.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">3. The Muslims religious communities in India in
2001 constituted 13.80 percent of the total population of India and 18.50
percent of total population in the State of Uttar Pradesh and is now a dominant
group dominating all other religious groups in Uttar Pradesh in all walk of
life including the constitutional democratic process.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">4. The Muslims religious community has throughout
been a well-organized and strongly knitted community and not a weak religious
community. It was never regarded as weaker section or underprivileged section
of the society. Considering the religious population in India as well as in the
State of Uttar Pradesh, Muslims are only majority religious community in
comparison with other religious communities in India and other religious
communities are in minority in comparison to the Muslims.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">5. 'Hinduism' did not represent a religion and
represents culture or civilization of India. The combination of such religious
groups including Sikh, Jain, Buddhist, Sufis, each and every tribal having
separate God and Goddess and Hindu Society divided on caste, creed and other
religions mentioned in the preceding paragraphs of the judgment (supra) which
cannot be considered one religious group according to the definition of the
religion decided by the Apex Court and as such the Muslims religious community
constitute only single largest religious majority in Uttar Pradesh. The
Constitution never intended to create a religious group based on theocracy in
the name of religion but its intention was to give protection to the religions,
population of which were about one and half percent or slightly above at the
time of partition and to equate them with other members of the society.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In view of the discussions made above, the Court
holds that as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(a) Muslims have now ceased to be religious
minorities in India and in any case in State of Uttar Pradesh on the basis of
their population & strength.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(b) Muslims also constitute an important part of
the citizenry of India and has a important role to play in developing India as
a strong nation. It is necessary that all citizens must be assimilated as
citizenry of India who are also liable to perform their duties towards the
nation and society at large as contemplated under Article 51-A of the
Constitution of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(c) As the Muslim Community are part and parcel of
the society and part of Indian citizenry, the Madarsas established by them are
entitled to have equal treatment in comparison to other Schools/institutions
established by other citizens of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">To develop good temperament, humanism and sense of
equality to preserve rich heritage and India's composite culture and to develop
patriotism in the citizenry of India, it is a necessity that all
Schools/Institutions including Madarsas are liable to teach fundamental duties
and Moral Education (not religious) to their students who are future citizens
of the country to make India a strong and developed in the World. Union of
India and State of Uttar Pradesh are directed to take necessary steps
accordingly to make education of fundamental duties and Moral Education as
compulsory subjects in all the Schols and Institutions established by all
religious communities including Madarsas so that the citizenry of India and
younger generation may be developed according to the dream of the Constituent
Assembly which gave us Constitution of India. This Court is further of the view
that in order to develop India as a strong, developed and powerful nation, the
fundamental duties under Article 51-A of the Constitution of India may be made
enforceable. The U.P. Board of High School and Intermediate Education has made
fundamental duties one of the compulsory teaching subjects from the Session
2007-2008.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Constitution of India which is a living document
adopted by the people of India for social, economic, political justice and for
secularism and for democracy. Each and every citizen of India has liberty of
thought, belief, faith, worship and equality of status and as such the
petitioners or the opposite parties no. 4 to 6 or any member of the Indian
society have got a right to perform the religious rites but are not entitled to
get any privilege under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India. Every
citizen of India is also liable to perform certain duties as enshrined under
Article 51-A of the Constitution of India, the same is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"51-A. Fundamental duties.- It shall be the
duty of every citizen of India-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(a) to abide by the Constitution and respect its
ideals and institutions, the National Flag and the National Anthem;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(b) to cherish and follow the noble ideals which
inspired our national struggle for freedom;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(c) to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity
and integrity of India;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(d) to defend the country and render national
service when called upon to do so;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(e) to promote harmony and the spirit of common
brotherhood amongst al the people of India transcending religious, linguistic
and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the
dignity of women;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(f) to value and preserve the rich heritage of our
composite culture;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(g) to protect and improve the natural environment
including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life, and to have compassion for
living creatures;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(h) to develop the scientific temper, humanism and
the spirit of inquiry and reform;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(i) to safeguard public property and to abjure
violence;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(j) to strive towards excellence in all spheres of
individual and collective activity so that the nation constantly rises to
higher levels of endeavour and achievement;</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(k) who is a parent or guardian to provide
opportunities for education to his child or, as the case may be, ward between
the age of six and fourteen years."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In the writ petition, allegations and counter
allegations have been made about the entitlement of the petitioners for getting
grant-in-aid for their Madarsa. The counter allegations in the counter
affidavits are that the petitioners have already embezzled huge amount of the
scholarship in the garb of Muslim minority Institution and the matter is
pending before the courts. The allegations of petitioners as to the opposite
parties no. 4 to 6 in the various affidavits are that it is not for the benefit
of entire Muslim society but it is for the benefit of particular families who
founded this Institution for the benefit of their own families where all the
posts were held and occupied by the petitioners' family members. In view of the
allegation and counter allegations made in the writ petition, it is urged by
the parties that this is the normal situation in some of the Madarsas.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Paragraphs 9 and 10 of the Supplementary Affidavit
dated 1.2.2007 filed by Zulfikar Ahmad, Manager, Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam
Dehra Kalan, Ghazipur, are also very relevant in the matter of granting
recognition to Madarsas founded by Muslim religious community by the State of
Uttar Pradesh, same are being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"9. That to the utter surprise the respondent
in collusion particularly the Secretary Sri Chandra Prakash by taking illegal
gratification of Rs.5 lacs has taken certain more institutions on grant
including Madarsa Khanam Zan of Varanasi and Madarsa Ahle Sunnat Ateequia
Gonda.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">10.That same demand is being done in respect of
Petitioners institution as well and demand of Rs. 8 lacs is being done in
respect of other newly prepared 100 institutions vide G.O. Dated...whereas the
consideration of Madrsa recognised in year 1996 is being harass that its case
was refused on basis of delay vide order .......The copies of order cancelling
the Madrsa taken on grant amongst 67 and allotment of fresh Madarsa at its
place vide order dated 13.12.06 are also being annexed as.....to this affidavit
along with copy of order of this High Court...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">It has been stated in Paragraphs 9 and 10 of the
supplementary affidavit of Zulfikar Ahmad that the recognition was granted to
Madarsa after receiving illegal gratification of 5 lakhs for the grant-in-aid
and a demand of 8 lakhs was made from petitioners also. The State has prepared
a list of 100 more institutions and Madarsa to recognise for grant-in-aid. In
view of the serious nature of allegations made in the Supplementary Affidavit
of Zulfikar Ahmad, this Court considers it appropriate that an enquiry may be
institute in the matter of recogntion of Madrasas for Grant-in-Aid. This Court
directs the Chief Secretary of Uttar Pradesh to institute an enquiry by an Officer
not below rank of Principal Secretary of Government of U.P. in the matter in
which grant-in-aid was given to Madarasas from the year 2003 up to now. The
State fund is created by contribution from all citizens belonging to all the
religions of the country. Since India is a secular country, State fund should
be utilised for secular purposes. Such funds could be given to all the
Institutions including Madarsas.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In the end this Court is of the opinion that
Muslims have accepted India as their own Mother Land as citizens at the time of
partition and contributed a lot in almost in all the fields in development of
India and also a dominant force in politics and other fields, not on the basis
of any religious group, but as citizens of India. They are also bound to
perform all such duties towards the country under Article 51-A of the
Constitution of India like other citizens of India for their more effective
role in making India a very strong and great nation forming part of citizenry
of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">In such a situation and in view of the law laid
down by the Apex Court, proceedings of Constituent Assembly and others relevant
materials discussed above, this Court is of the firm view that the Muslims
whose population was 18.5% per cent in the year 2001 constitutes the only
religious majority group in comparison to other religious group in State of
U.P. and they have already ceased to be a religious minority group and they are
entitled to get equal treatment as the other non-minority religious groups are
being treated. This Court after considering each and every material and law has
come to the conclusion that in view of the discussions made above now Muslims
have ceased to be a religious minority and they are entitled to be treated like
other citizens of India. All protections given under Articles 29 and 30 of the
Constitution of India are not available to them.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">For the reasons detailed above, this Court passed
the operative part of the judgmenton 5.4.2007 which runs as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"Since I have been scheduled to sit at
Lucknow Bench of this Court from 9th April, 2007, I consider it appropriate to
pronounce operative part of the judgment of the writ petition. This operative
part of the judgment shall be followed by the rest judgment.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">For the reasons to be detailed in the body of the
judgment of the writ petition, writ petition succeeds and is allowed. The
impugned order dated 17.5.2004, passed by the State of Uttar Pradesh
recognising Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 on Grant-in-Aid as religious Muslim minority
institutions is quashed and it is held that any institution founded by
petitioners or Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 are not entitled to be recognised for
Grant-in-Aid as religious minority institutions in the State of Uttar Pradesh
after applying twin criteria, i.e., population and strength of a religious
community as laid down by the founding fathers of the Constitution of India as
is clear from proceedings of Constituent Assembly to determine any religious
community as a religious minority. The Court finds that Muslims have ceased to
be a religious minority community in the State of Uttar Pradesh on
consideration of the materials on record which includes various Census Reports
including Census Reports of 1951 and 2001 and, therefore, directs State of
Uttar Pradesh to treat any member of Muslim community equal to other
non-minority religious communities without discriminating in any respect in
accordance with law being an integral part of citizenry of India</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(i) A writ in the nature of mandamus is issued
commanding State of Uttar Pradesh to consider Applications of petitioners and
Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 or other Applications of other institutions founded by
Muslim community for recognition on Grant-in-Aid in the similarly situated
manner as other non-minority institutions are being dealt with in accordance
with law without any discrimination.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(ii) A writ of mandamus is also issued to Union of
India and the State of Uttar Pradesh to take appropriate steps to modify the
notification dated 23.10.1993 issued by the Union of India accordingly.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(iii) A writ of mandamus is further issued
commanding the Chief Secretary, Uttar Pradesh to initiate an enquiry into the
serious allegations of corruption made by petitioners in Paragraphs 9 and 10 of
the Supplementary Affidavit dated 1.2.2007 filed by Zulfikar Ahmad, Manager,
Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam Dehra Kalan, Ghazipur, which runs as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"9. That to the utter surprise the respondent
in collusion particularly the Secretary Sri Chandra Prakash by taking illegal
gratification of Rs.5 lacs has taken certain more institutions on grant
including Madarsa Khanam Zan of Varanasi and Madarsa Ahle Sunnat Ateequia
Gonda.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">10. That same demand is being done in respect of
Petitioners institution as well and demand of Rs. 8 lacs is being done in respect
of other newly prepared 100 institutions vide G.O. Dated...whereas the
consideration of Madrsa recognised in year 1996 is being harass that its case
was refused on basis of delay vide order .......The copies of order cancelling
the Madrsa taken on grant amongst 67 and allotment of fresh Madarsa at its
place vide order dated 13.12.06 are also being annexed as.....to this affidavit
along with copy of order of this High Court...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">The enquiry shall be made for orders passed
recognising the institutions for Grant-in-Aid from the year 2003 upto now. Such
enquiry shall be conducted by an Officer not below the rank of Principal
Secretary which shall be completed within three months' from the presentation
of a certified copy of this order and further action shall be taken
accordingly.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">There shall be no order as to cost."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">5.4.2007</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">bgs/-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span></span></div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-4878279954815702422013-09-05T05:05:00.000-07:002013-09-05T05:05:09.488-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 7<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span class="apple-style-span"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">As
stated above at the cost of repetition that Muslims in India were always in
microscopic minority even during Muslim Rule for more than a century and
British Rule, but they never claimed any minority right at any point of time.
As in the present case, controversy relates to only religious minority, as
petitioners and Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 claimed themselves as Muslim minority
and protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India, this
Court is expressing opinion about religious minority and not about linguistic
minority. It is also made clear that question of backwardness of any community
has no nexus and if any group claims backwardness, it has nothing to do with
the minority rights under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India and
all the citizens of India may be considered for the purposes of backwardness in
accordance with the Constitution of India. It is also made clear that as Muslim
Religious community has throughout been remained as a privileged class for
centuries, how they became backward and if Muslim religious community claims
any special/minority right being backward, who is to be blamed is not a
controversy involved in the present case and as such this Court is not
expressing any opinion.</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sri Pocker Mohammed, a member of Constituent
Assembly participating in the proceeding of Constituent Assembly rightly said
that the Muslims are a strongly knitted community, therefore, if special rights
are not given to them they will become desperate. Data given above makes it
clear that Muslim religious group is now a dominant political force in
democratic India on the basis of their population, voting rights in election
and strength in getting elected their representative and in electing their own
Government of their dominating choice on the basis of their population.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">This Court is of the view that on the basis of
population Muslim religious community is only single Religious Majority in
democratic India and could not be recognised as a religious minority community.
In India after enforcement of the Constitution, the people of India including
muslim are also free to perform their religious and cultural rites.
Constitution of India makes it very clear, as held by the Apex Court in T.M.A.
Pai Foundation case (supra) that minority status was given for protection to
non-dominant group.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The Constituent Assembly first met on 9th
December, 1946 and adopted Constitution of India on 26th November, 1949, but
continued upto 24th of January, 1950.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">People of India adopted Constitution of India for
them. In constitutional democracy sovereign power vests in the citizens of
India and by exercising right to franchise citizens elect Legislators and the
Government in which only population of any community plays a major role. If
12.58% of muslim population dominated and got partitioned India, 18.50 per cent
of muslim population in State of U.P. which is equivalent to national
population of Muslims in India after partition of India at present are more
dominant force in Indian society and democratic political system.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Considering the facts available on record, I am
also taking judicial notice of following facts:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">At present, from State of Uttar Pradesh, 18
Members of Muslim Religion community are in Parliament, nine Members in
Legislative Council and 45 Members Members in Legislative Assembly (From
Information Diary, 2007 of Government of State of Uttar Pradesh, Published by
Information and Public Relation Department). India has also elected three
Presidents of India belonging to Muslim Religion community. In India in the
communities other than Muslims there are about 6400 casts and sub-castes, more
than 100 religious groups of different thoughts and belief and several ethnic
groups and all other religious groups/communities are reduced to minority and
no other religious group/community, except Muslim community is dominant in
India. It is also clear from the Census report of 2001 that Muslims who were
18.50% in 2001, by now after six years in 2007, must have gone above 18.50%,
are at present single dominating religious group in comparison to other
religious communities in India. In most of the Districts of Uttar Pradesh,
Muslims are a dominant religious group constituting population from 20% to 50%
according to Census Report of 2001 and in some Districts Muslim population is
more than the population of all other religious group. Taking together Muslims
at present are a dominant religious majority community affecting all walks of
life of Indian society including political scene in the State of U.P. as well
and are only dominant religious force/community in comparison to other
religious group in India. Neither any sense of insecurity at present is in
Muslim Religion Community nor Muslims lack confidence in any field in India. To
the contrary as is clear from the Constituent Assembly debates and other
materials, members of other remaining religious community were described as
deaf and dumb and peace-loving as stated by some of members of Constituent
Assembly and have no dominance. It is also clear from the Census Report, 2001
that in Bihar population of Muslims is 1,37,22,048 and Hindu population is
6,90,076,919, in West Bengal Muslim's population was 2,02,40,543 and Hindu
population was 5,81,04,835 and in Kerala Hindu population was 1,78,,83,449,
Muslim population was 78,63,842 and Christian population was 60,057,427.
Similar is the position in other States also. In all India basis also,
population of Muslim Religion community constitute 13.60% and they are dominant
group in all respects, i.e., strength and population in comparison to other
religious groups in India, but in the State of Uttar Pradesh Muslims are no
more religious minority group requiring any minority status.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The next question arises to be considered would be
once a group recognised as religious minority in the Constitution as minority
group ceased to be recognised as a religious minority group in the changed
circumstances, i.e., on the basis of strength, population and domination.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Chaudhary N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the
petitioners, urged that a religious group may continue to be a religious
minority of the total population up to population 49.99% of the total
population. In this regard he urged that in India majority consists of Hindu
Religious group population and 50% of the total population may be calculated to
Hindu population.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Learned counsel for parties were heard on this
question also at great length.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The percentage of different religion groups
considered by the Constituent Assembly for minorities were in three Groups,
i.e., Group A- less than 1/2%, Group B- less than 1-1/2% and Group C- above
1-1/2%. Muslims at that time were above 1-1/2%. The Constituent Assembly fixed
criteria for above 1-1/2% which may be interpreted as not more than 2%
otherwise Constituent Assembly may have mentioned it less than 5%, but
Constituent Assembly considered only above 1-1/2% in the Schedule which was
adopted by the Constituent Assembly for recognising a religious community as
minority. It is worthy to notice here that Constituent Assembly was constituted
before partition of the country. It was expected at the time of partition of
India on the basis of two nations theory that most of Muslim population, which
led agitation for dividing the country in united India (as is clear from
Constituent Assembly Debates) would go to Pakistan and only a small group of
such nationalist Muslims who supported Congress and opposed partition would
remain in India and appropriate protection was required to be given to such
Muslims only. Protection to minority in the Constitution was given to different
religious groups, i.e., Anglo Indians and Christians who were attached with the
Britishers as dominant religious groups and after leaving Britishers from India
being an insignificant group in the matter of population and were not in a
position to affect democratic process were protected in the matter of religion,
culture and educational institutions, though Christians in some States are now
a major dominant religious force and also affects the democratic process such
as North Eastern States, Kerala and some other States. Similarly, Parsees who
were small in number were also provided protection in regard to religion and
culture etc. in view of the fact that they were not in a position to
affect/dominate politics in India. Sikhs were also given protection of minority
as India was partitioned and lakhs of Sikhs lost their lives and some migrated
from Pakistan to India and they constituted population at that time less than
1-1/2 per cent. But so far as Muslims are concerned, the assessment was that
the total population of Muslims who would not leave India would be slightly
above 1-1/2 percent as is clear from the Schedule prepared by the Advisory
Committee on Minority headed by Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel adopted by
Constituent Assembly. Had the Constituent Assembly visualised this fact that
after partition of India and after exchange of Hindu and Muslim population,
substantial population of such Muslims who led agitation in different parts of
India for partition of the country and divided the country would remain in
India even after partition of the country and major part of Muslims population
would not migrate to Pakistan, the Constituent Assembly would not have fixed
the criteria mentioned above. That is why Constituent Assembly had fixed 1-1/2%
criteria otherwise it would have fixed 5% or 10%.As held by the Apex Court in
T.M.A. Foundation(supra) case that the provision of special rights to
minorities was introduced to remove their sense of insecurity and lack of
confidence, the provision of minority was not intended to create any privilege
to any section of the society in the name of minority institutions over and
above rights of majority group (other than Muslims). It was to remove
inequality vis-a-vis other communities and that is why 1-1/2% was fixed so far
as Indian Muslims who adopted Indian citizenship after partition as Indians are
concerned. As stated above, Schedule prepared by the Advisory Committee on Minority
was accepted by the Constituent Assembly which mentioned population of Muslims
above 1-1/2% after partition and thus it was made the basis for determining
religious minority of Muslims under Constitution.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">As the entire material on record relating to population
immediately after enforcement of of Constitution in 1951 is available on
record, it is necessary to look into the matter on this aspect with the details
of the Census as contained in Annexure-1 to the Affidavit filed on 27.2.2007,
i.e., Census Report of 1951 makes it clear that total population of India at
that time was 35 crores 68 lacs out of which Hindus consisted about 30 crores
67 lacs, Sikhs were 68 lacs, Jains were 16 lacks, Budhists 2 lacs, Zoroastrian
1 lac Christians 82 lacs, Muslims 3 crores 54 lacs, Other Religion Returns
(Tribal)-17 lacs and Other Religion Return (Non-Tribal) - 1 lac. The population
of Hindu at that time was about 85%, Sikhs 1.74%, Jains .45%, Buddhist-.6%,
Zoroastrian- 1%, Christians 2.3%, Muslims 9%, Other Religion Returns
(Tribal)-.47 and Other Religion Return (Non-Tribal) - .3%. The total population
of undivided India in 1941 was 31 crores 41 lacs out of which Muslim at that
time constituted 3 crores 96 lacks, i.e., 12.5.% excluding Jammu & Kashmir.
In 1951, the total population of India at that time was 35,68,79,394 out of
which population of Uttar Pradesh was 6,32,15, 942.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Controversy relates to Uttar Pradesh in 1951 &
2001 total population of Hindus and Muslims in the State of Uttar Pradesh was
as under:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">1951 2001</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Total 63215742 Total 166197921</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Religion Male Female Hindu-133979283</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sikhs 1,10,947 86,665 Muslim- 3,7440158</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Jains 51,651 46,063</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Buddhists 1,968 1,253</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Zoroastrian 678 580</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muslims 9058982 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Christians 64,799 59,083</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Jews 33 1</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Hindu 53760925</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The Supplementary Affidavit of R.S. Meena,
Assistant Director of Census Operation, Uttar Pradesh, dated 19th March, 2007
makes out demographic changes on the basis of 2001 Census. Out of total
population of India of 1,028,610,328 at present Muslims population was
13,81,88,240, Sikhs are 1,92,15,730, Christians are 2,40,80,016, Buddhists are
79,55,207 and Jains are 42,25,053. List of such States where Hindus were
reduced to minority after independence of India is as under:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">State Total Population Hindus </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Jammu and Kashmir 1,014,3700 30,05,349 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Arunachal Pradesh 1,097,968 3,79,936 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Nagaland 19,90,036 1,53,162 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Manipur 21,66,788 9,96,894 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Mizoram 8,88,573 31,562</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Meghalaya 23,18,822 3,07,822</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Lakshadweep 60,650 2,281 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Punjab 2,43,58,999 8997942</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">As matter relates to religious minority, argument
of 50% of the total population presupposes two groups, i.e., above 50% and less
than 50%. In a multi religious society how this 50% would be calculated and
which religious group could be recognised as religious minority group in
comparison to which religious group will be considered in succeeding part of
the judgment.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Chaudhary N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the
petitioners, has firstly relied upon the Judgment of the Apex Court in T.M.A.
Pai Foundation case (supra) in support of his contention and urged that even if
population of Muslim religious minority group reaches 49.9%, i.e., less than
50%, it shall continue as a religious minority group. This calculation may be
made on the basis of all India basis or and State of Uttar Pradesh basis. He
further urged that Hindus are in majority and the calculation should be made in
comparison to Hindus as a religious entity</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">On the arguments of Chaudhary N.A. Khan, learned
counsel for the petitioners, question further arises to be considered is
whether Hinduism is a religion for the purposes of consideration of Religious
minority.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The first case in which Hinduism was considered by
the Constitution Bench of the Apex Court is the judgment reported in AIR 1966
SC 1119, Sastri Yagnapunushadji v. Muldas Bhudardas Vaishya, relevant part of
which is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Who are Hindus and what are the broad
features of Hindu religion, that must be the first part of our enquiry in
dealing with the present controversy between the parties. The historical and
etymological genesis of the word 'Hindu' has given rise to a controversy
amongst indologists; but the view generally accepted by scholars appears to be
that the word "Hindu" is derived from the river Sindhu otherwise
known as Indus which flows from the Punjab. "That part of the great Aryan
race", says Monier Williams, "which immigrated from Central Asia,
through the mountain passes into India, settled first in the districts near the
river Sindhu (now called the Indus). The persian pronounced this word Hindu and
named heir Aryan brethren Hindus. This Greeks, who probably gained their first
ideas of India from the Persians, dropped the hard aspirate, and called the
Hindus 'Indoi' ("Hinduism" by Monier Will Hams. P.1)</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol VI,
has described 'Hinduism' as the title applied to that form of religion which
prevails among the vast majority of the present population of the Indian Empire
(p.686). As Dr. Radhakrishnan has observed, "The Hindu civilization is so
called, since its original founders earliest followers occupied the territory
drained by the Sindhu the (the Indus )river system corresponding to the North
West Frontier Province and the Punjab. This is recorded in the Rig which give
their name to this period Indian history. The people on the Indian side of the
Sindhu were called Hindu by the Persian and the later western invadors."
(The Hindu view of Life" by Dr. Radhakrishnan. P.12). That is the genesis
of the word "Hindu".</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">When we think of the Hindu religion, we find it
difficult, if not impossible to define Hindu religion or even adequately
describe it. Unlike other religion in the world, the Hindu religion does not
claim any one prophet; it does not worship any one God; it does not subscribe
to any one dogma; it does not believe in any one philosophic concept; it does
not follow any one set of religious rites or performances; in fact, it does not
appear to satisfy the narrow traditional feature of any religion or creed. It
may broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">............The term 'Hindu', according to Dr.
Radhakrishnan, had originally a territorial and not a credal significance. It
implied residence in a well-defined geographical area. Aboriginal tribes,
savage and half-civilized people, the cultured Dravidians and the Vedic Aryans
were all Hindus as they were the sons of the same mother. The Hindu thinkers
reckoned with the striking fact that the men and women dwelling in India
belonged to different communities, worshipped different gods, and practised
different rites (Kurma Purana) (Ibid p.12)</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Monier Williams has observed that "it must be
borne in mind that Hinduism is far more than a mere form of theism vesting on
Brahmanism. It presents for our investigation a complex congeries of creeds and
doctrines which in its gradual accumulation may be compared to the gathering
together of the mighty volume of the Ganges, swollen by a continual influx of
tributary rivers and rivulets, spearding itself over an every-increasing area
of country and finally resolving itself into an intricate Delta of tortuous
steams and jungly marshes...The Hindu religion is reflection of the composite
character of the Hindus, who are not people but many. It is based on the idea
of universal receptivity. It has ever aimed to accommodating itself
circumstances, and has carried on the process of adaptation through more than
three thousand years. It has first borne with and then, so to speak, swallowed,
digested, and assimilated something from all creed". (Religious Thought
& Life in India" by Monier Williams, P. 57).</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">We have already indicated that the usual tests
which can be aplied in relation to any recognised religion or religious creed
in the wordld turn out to be inadequate in dealing with the problem of Hindu
religion. Normally, any recognised religion or religious creed subscribes to
body of set philosophic concepts and theological beliefs. Does this test aply
to the Hindu religion? In answering this question, we would base ourselves
mainly on the exposition of the problem by Dr. Radhakrishnan in his work on
Indian Philosophy . ("Indian Philosophy" by Dr. Radhakrishnan. Vol.
I, pp.22-23). Unlike other countries, India can claim that philosphy in ancient
India was not an auxiliary to any other science or art, but always held a
prominent position of independence..... "In all the fleeting centuries of
history", says Dr. Radhakrishnan, "in all the vicissitudes through
which India has passed, a certain marked identity is visible. It has held fast
to certain psychological traits which constitute its special heritage and they
will be the characteristic marks of the Indian people so Loungsri as they are
privileged to have a separate existence". The history of Indian thought
emphatically brings out the fact that the development of Hindu religion has
alrways been inspired by an endless quest of the mind for truth based on the
consciousness that truth has many facts. Truth is one, but wise men describe it
differently.(...) The Indian mind has, consistently through the ages, been
exercised over the problem of the nature of godhead the problem that faces the
spirit at the end of life, and the interrelation between the individual and the
universal soul. "If we can abstract from the variety of opinion', says Dr.
Radhakrishnan, "and observe the general spirit of Indian though, we shall
find that it has a disposition to interpret life and nature in the way of
monistic idealism, though this tendency is so plastic, living and manifold that
it takes many forms and expresses itself in even mutally hostile
teachings."(..)</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">.....Naturally enough, it was realised by Hindu
religion from the very beginning of its career that truth was many-sided and
different views contained different aspects of truth which no one could fully
express. This knowledge inevitably bred a spirit of tolerance and willingness
to understand and appreciate the opponent's point of view. That is how
"the several views set forth in India in regard to the vital philosophic
concepts are considered to be the branches of the self-same tree. The short
cuts and blind alleys are somehow reconciled with the main road of advance to
the truth." (..) When we consider this broad sweep of the Hindu
philosophic concepts, it would be realised that under Hindu philosophy, there
is no cope for ex-communicating any notion or principle as heretical and
rejecting it as such.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">xxx xxx xxx</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The development of Hindu religion and philosphy
shows that from time to time saints and religious reformers attempted to remove
from the Hindu thought and practices elements of corruption and superstition
and that led to the formation of different sects. Buddha started Budhism;
Mahavir founded Jainsim; Basava became the founder of Lingayat religion;
Dnyaneshwar and Tukaram initiated the Varakari cult; Guru Nanak inspired
Sikhism, Dayananda founded Arya Samaj, and Chaitanya began Bhakti cult; and as
a result of the teachings of Ramrksohin and Vivekananda, Hindu religion
flowered into its most attractive, progressive and dynamic form. If we study
the teachings of these saints and religious reformers, we would notice an
amount of divergence in their respective views; but underneath that divergence,
there is a kind of subtle indescribable unity which keeps them within the sweep
of the broad and progressive Hindu religion.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">xxx xxx xxx</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">......It is somewhat remarkable that this broad
sweep of Hindu religion has been eloquently described by Toynbee. Says Tonbee;
"When we pass from the plane of social practice to the plane of
intellectual outlook, Hinduism too comes out well by comparison with the
religions and ideologies of the South-West Asian group. In contrast to these
Hinduism has the same outlook as the pre-Christian and pre-Muslim religions and
philosophies of the Western half of the old world. Like them, Hinduism takes it
for granted that there is more than one valid approach to truth and to
salvation and that these different approaches are not only compatible with each
other..but are not only compatible with Day Experiment in Western
Civilisation" by Toynbee, pp. 48-49).</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The Constitution-makers were fully conscious of
this broad and comprehensive character of Hindu religion; and so, while
guaranteeing the fundamental right to freedom of religion, Explanation II to
Article 25 has made it clear that in sub-clause (b) of clause (2) the reference
to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the
Sikh, Jains or Budhist religion, and the reference to Hindu religious
institutions shall be construed accordingly."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In order to consider what is the Hinduism, the
judgment of the Apex Court reported in AIR 1996 SC 1113, Dr. Ramesh Yeshwant
Prabhoo v. Prabhakar Kashinath Kunte and others is very relevant. Paragraphs
38, 39 and 40 of the judgment are being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"38. These Constitution Bench decisions,
after a detailed discussion, indicate that no precise meaning can be ascribed
to the terms 'Hindu', 'Hindutva' and 'Hinduism'; and no meaning in the abstract
can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of
Indian culture and heritage. It is also indicated that the term 'Hindutva' is
related more to the way of life of the people in the sub-continent. It is
difficult to appreciate how in the face of these decisions the term 'Hindutva'
or 'Hinduism' per se, in the abstract, can be assumed to mean and be equated
with narrow fundamentalist Hindu religious bigotry, or to be construed to fall
within the prohibition in sub-section 3 and/or (3A)of S. 123 of the R.P. Act.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">39. Bharucha, J. in Dr. M. Ismali Faruqui v. Union
of India, (1994) 6 SCC 360: (1994 AIR SCW 4897), (Ayodya case), in the separate
opinion for himself and Ahmadi, J. (as he then was), observed as under:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">".......Hinduism is a tolerant faith. It is
that tolerance that has enabled Islam, Christianity, Zoroastriansim, Judaism,
Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism to find shelter and support upon this
land...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">(at page 442) (of SCC): (at p. 4971, para 159 of
AIR)</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">40. Ordinarily, the Hindutva is understood as a
way of life or a state of mind and it is not to be equated with, or understood
as religious Hindu fundamentalism. In "Indian Muslims - The Need For A
Positive Outlook" by Maulana Wahiduddin Khan, (1994), it is said:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"The strategy worked out to solve the
minorities problem was, although differently worded, that of Hindutva or
Indianisation. This strategy, briefly stated, aims at developing a uniform
culture by obliterating the differences between all the cultures co-existing in
the country. This was felt to be the way of coomunal harmony and national
unity. It was though that this would put an end once and for all to the
minorities problem".</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">(at page 19)</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The above opinion indicate that the word
'Hindutva' is used and understood as a synonym of 'Indianisation',e.e.
Development of uniform culture by obliterating the differences between all the
cultures co-existing in the country."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">A judgment reported in 1993 ALL.L.J., 1379, Smt.
Indumatee Koorichh v. The Family Court, Lucknow and another of the learned
Single Judge of this Court has also 'Hindu' religion. Relevant party of
Paragraph 27 of the judgment is being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"27......expression 'Hindu' under the acts
has been taken to mean and include in itself every person man or woman or child
who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi or Jew and also such person, who being
Muslim, Christian, Parsis or Jew when, he gets himself converted into the Hindu
way of life either as a Vaishnavait, Shivait, Buddhist, Sikh or the like cults
of Hindu faith and religion. Those religions, as have got their origination in
foreign land or lands other than mother India, the great Hindustan, and, as
such, their followers are not included in phrase Hindu. Thus considered in
wider horizon or sense of connotation a person born in India or Hindustan or
whose parents have taken birth in India or Hindustan the land surrounded by
Himalayan range on the north and Sindhu the Sea known as Indu sarovar in the
south and having faith and allegiance with this land and its culture may be
called a Hindu irrespective of difference of approach towards one truth and one
goal."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">This definition of Hindu has further been defined
by a Constitution Bench judgment of the Apex Court reported in AIR 1971, 1737,
D.A. V. College, Jullundur etc. v. The State of Punjab and others. Paragraphs
12, 13 and 16 of the said judgment are being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"12. For the purposes of Art. 29(1) even
though it may not be necessary to enquire whether all the Hindus of Punjab as
also the Arya Smajis speak Hindi as a spoken language, nonetheless there can be
no doubt that the script of the Arya Samajis is ditinct from that of Sikhs who
form the majoirty. It is claimed that while the Sikhs have Gurumukhi as their
script the Arya Samajis have their own script which is the Devnagri script.
Their Claim to be a religious minority with distinct script of their own seems
to us to be justified as would appear from the following:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">13. The Arya Samaj is a reofrmist movement,
believes in one God and in the Vedas as the books of true knowledge. It holds
that it is the duty of every Arya Samaji to read the Vedas and have them read,
to teach or preach them to others. It has a distinct organisation, the
membership of which is open to all those who subscribe to its aims and objects.
The Arya Samajis worship before the vedic fire and it begins with the burning
of incence (the homa 'sacrifice') accompanied by the chanting of Vedic verses.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">xxx xxx xxx</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">16. The passage read above show beyond doubt that
the Arya Samaj by "rejecting the manifold absurdities found in Smriti and
in tradition and in seeking a basis in the early literature for a purer and
more rational faith" can be considered to be a religious minority, at any
rate as part of the Hindu religious minority in the State of Punjab.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In this regard, constitution of Hindu Society and
what is Hindu religion has been considered by the Apex Court in Bal Patil v.
Union of India case (supra). Paragraphs 26, 27, 28 and 30 of the Judgment are
being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"26.The so-called minority communities like
Sikhs and Jians were not treated as national minorities at the time of framing
the Constitution. Sikhs and Jains, in fact, have throughout been treated as
part of the wider Hindu community which has different sects, sub-sects, faiths,
modes of worship and religious philosophies. In various codified customary laws
like Hindu Marriage Act, Hindu Succession Act, Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance
Act and other laws of pre and post Constitution period, definition of 'Hindu'
included all sects, sub-sects of Hindu religions including Sikhs and Jains.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">27. The word 'Hindu' conveys the image of diverse
groups of communities living in India. If you search for a person by name
Hindu, he is unidentifiable. He can be identified only on the basis of his
caste as upper caste Brahmin, Kshatriya or Vaish or of lower caste described in
ancient India as Shudras. Those who fall in the Hindu class of 'Shudras' are
now included in the Constitution in the category of Scehduled castes with
special privileges and treatment for their upliftment. This was found necessary
to bring them at par with upper castes in Hindu society. The aboriginals, who
have no caste were considered as distinct from four castes or Varnas of Hindu
society. They have been treated favourably in the Constitution as Scheduled
Tribes. For them also there are provisions for special treatment and grant of
special privileges to bring them on level with the other castes from the main
advanced streams of Indian society.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">28. There is a very serious debate and difference
of opinion between religious philosophers and historians as to whether Jains
are of Hindu stock and whether their religion is more ancient than the vedic
religion of Hindus. Spiritual philosophy of Hindus and Jains in many respect is
different but the quintessence of the spiritual thought of both the religions
seems to be the same. The influence of Hindu vedic religion is quite apparent
in the custom, style of living belief and faith of Jains. Jains do not worship
images or idols of Gods but worship their Tirathankars meaning their ideal
personalities who have attained human perfection and excellence by a process of
self-improvement. The literal meaning of the word 'Jain' is one who has
attained 'victory'. It signifies a person who has attained victory over himself
by the process of self-purification. 'Jain' is a religious devout who is
continuously striving to gain control over his desires, senses and organs to
ultimately become master of his ownself.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">30. Thus, 'Hinduism' can be called a general
religion and common faith of India whereas 'Jainsim' is a sepcial religion
formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu religion. Jainism places greater
emphasis on non-violence ('Ahinsa') and compassion ('Karuna'). Their only
difference from Hindus is that Jains do not believe in any creator like God but
worship only the perfect human-being whom they called 'Tirathankar'. Lord
Mahavir was one in the generation of Tirathankars. The Tirathankars are
embodiments to perfect human-beings who have achieved human excellence at
mental and physical levels. In philosophical sense, Jainism is a reformist
movement amongst Hindus like Brahamsamajis. Arasamajis and Lingayats. The three
main principles of Jainsim are Ahinsa, Anekantvad and Aparigrah. (See:-1)
Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethcis, Vol. 7 pg.465;2) History of Jains by
A.K.Roy, pgs. 5 to 23: and Vinoba Sahitya, Vol.7 pg. 27 to 284)."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">It is settled now that Hinduism is not a religion
but is a way of life and combination of different religions and represents a
culture and is a combination of various religions founded and developed by the
different saints, philosophers propounded by different philosophy relating to
worship, thoughts, ways of worship of the Almighty/God. The details have
already been discussed above. In fact Hindusim represents all thoughts, beliefs
and way of worship borne in India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-20994877740667757012013-09-05T05:03:00.000-07:002013-09-05T05:03:18.664-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 6<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span class="apple-style-span"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Historical
Back Ground of Muslim Minority</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muslim community started claiming as religious
minority only just before independence. Islam came in India in 712 A.D. through
foreign invaders. First invasion was made by Mohd. Bin Qasim and thereafter a
series of invasions were made by Mohd. Gajni and Mohd. Gori etc. Mohd. Bin
Qasim established Islamic Rule in Sindh and Multan in 712 A.D. After Mohd.
Gori, Mohd. Qutubbuddin Aibak, Akram Shah, Altmus, Gyasuddin Blaban, Razia
Sultan, Jalaluddin Khilji, Alauddin Khilji, Firoz Shah Tughlak, IbrahimmLodhi
and other Sultans ruled India and thereafter Babar established Moghul rule in
1526 followed Humaun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan, Aurangjeb and other Moghul
rulers and lastly by Bahadur Shah Zafar in greater India. Indian society other
than Muslim minority was ruled by Muslim Rulers for about one thousand years
over most parts of India. For all these years Indian society other than Muslim
minority was subjected to pay Jezia Tax in most parts of India to remain as
Hindus and to perform their cultural and religious rites.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Relevant Paragraphs at page 50 of a Book 'Advanced
Study in the History of Medieval India (Vol. III: Medieval Indian Society and
Culture) by J.L. Mehta is relevant in the present context, the same is being
reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Mohd. Bin Qasim, who laid the foundation of
the Muslim Rule in Sindh and Multan (711-12), secured the status of Zimmis for
his hindu subjects from the caliph and accorded protection to their lives and
property on the receipt of jaziya. Obviously, this step was necessitated as a
matter of political expediency because in spite of the loss of independence,
the hindu masses, in general offered odgged resistence to forced conversions.
It was physically impossible for Qasim and handful of his Arab followers to
compel the vanquished multitude 'to choose between Islam and death', particularly,
when they were 'armed to the teeth'. Recognition of hindu 'idolators' of
Arabia. His example was followed by the turkaofghan rulers of Delhi in their
dealings with the hindus. The latter were not treated as full-fledged citizens
of 'the Islamic stte' albeit they received status of zimmis-'the second-class'
or 'inferior' citizens, which denied them all political rights and made them
suffer from certain socio=religious and economic disabilities so as 'to prevent
them from growing strong. In the words of Jadu Nath Sarkar,</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"The very term zimmi is an insulting title.
It connotes political inferiority and helplessness like the status of a minor
proprietor, perpetually under a guardian; such protected people could not claim
equality with the citizens of the Muslim theocracy."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">There developed, with the passage of time, four
schools of though for the authoritative interpretation of shara or 'the Islamic
law'; these were known as Malakite, Shafite, Hanbalite and Hanafite after the
names of their founders-Malik Ibn Anas (715-95 A.D.), Ash-Shafi (767-820),
Ahmad Bin Hanbal (780-855) and Abu Hanifah (699-766), Doctors of the first
three schools offered no other alternative but death to 'the idolators'
including the hindus, on their refusal to embrace Islam. It were the exponents
of the Hanifah school alone who permitted their existence in the Islamic state
as zimmis. That explains the intesne hatred of the non-muslims by the orthodox
muslims fanatics, in general; whenever a muslim ruler fell under the spell of
such orthodox ulema, he adopted the policy of religious intolerance and
persecution of his hindu subjects. It created a permanent gulf between the
hindus and muslims which could not be bridged effectively for a long time.
According to an observation, 'the politcal and religious condition under which
the hindus were forced to live in a muslim state raised a great barrier between
the two communities. The political supremacy of muslims was absolute; the
hindus not only enjoyed no political status in practice, but could not even
aspire to it under Islamic theory'. While living in their own country and in
possession of their own hearths and homes, the hindus were reduced to the
status of inferior citizens of 'an Islamic state' as the sultanate of Delhi was
usually styled. On the other hand, the muslims, though in microscopic minority,
constituted the privileged or the most favoured children of the state who
enjoyed the bounties and benefited from all the public welfare and other state
enterprises."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Relevant paragraph at page 42 of the Book
'Advanced Study in the History of Medieval India (Vol. III: Medieval Indian
Society and Culture) by J.L. Mehta is also relevant, the same is being quoted
below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Thus, Islam does not separate religion from
politics; in fact, the concept of religion in Islam emerged first, the state
was 'an after-thought'. The additional Islamic law does not acknowledge 'the
independent existence of state, nor is state regarded as a primary condition of
human society. It makes the State completely subservient to the religion of the
Prophet. According to the Islamic law, the state is only an instrument to serve
the creed in the attainment of its objectives or fulfilment of ideals of the
muslim brotherhood. The Islamic theory of state was, therefore, based on a
three fold idea of one scripture, one sovereign and one nation; scriptu was the
hly Quran, sovereign was the imam (leader), also called Khalifa (the caliph)-
political successor to the Prophet, and nation was the millat-the muslim
brotherhood. The basic feature of the state, according to this theory, was its
'indivisibility' in all the three aspects. It contemplated the establishment of
a theocratic state based on the Islamic law, and recommended only one
sovereign, the caliph, to rule over the whole of the muslim world. The caliph
was styled as the amir ul momnin-'the leader of the faithful'; his office was
thus a political institution based on Islamic injunctions. The sovereignty
resided in the millat which elected their imam or the caliph, and the latter
was under religious obligation to implement the Islamic law on and for the
benefit of his muslim subjects. The Islamic government was, therefore, one
which was composed of the muslims, by the muslims and existed for the happiness
and welfare of the muslims alone."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">This paragraph has references of Books such as
Arnol J Toynbee, A Study of History: 12 vols; OUP, 4th impression, 1948, IV, p.
230, Wolseley Haig, CHI,III, p.-10, A.B.M. Habibullah, Foundation of Muslim
Rule in India; Allahabad, 2nd ed; 1961, p.2., Toynbee, Study of History,
pp.clt; VI, p. 285, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; IV, p. 98, Toynbee,
Study of History, pp.clt; VI, pp.98-100, Toynbee, Study of History, pp.clt; VI,
p.5,129, 131-132, 245-60.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Pt Jawahar Lal Nehru in his Book titled as
'Glimpses of World History' (Published by Oxford University Press) has given
detailed this in Chapter 66. Relevant passage finds place at page 214 of the
Book, the same is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">".....Meanwhile, the people of the country,
the Hindus, were being slowly converted to Islam. The process was not rapid.
Some changed their religion because Islam appealed to them, some did so because
of fear, some because it is natural to want to be on the winning side. But the
principal reason for the change was economic. People who were not Muslims had
to pay a special tax, a poll tax-jezia, as it was called. This was a great
burden on the poor. Many would change their religion just to escape it. Among
the higher classes desire to gain Court favour and high office was a powerful
motive....."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">How the assessment of amount of jezia tax was
payable by Hindu population is clear from the Book titled as 'The
Administration of the Moghul Empire' written by a Historian Ishtiaq Husain
Qureshi. The relevant passage is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"...The assesses were divided into three
categories in accordance with their wealth. Those in possession of ten thousand
dirhems or more were considered to be wealthy; those who had less than ten
thousand but more than two hundred dirhems were classified as belonging to the
middle class, those who had less than two hundred dirhems but enough, in
addition to the cost of maintaining themselves and their dependents, to pay the
tax were considered to be poor. The first category was required to pay
forty-eight dirhems per annum; the second twenty-four; and the third twelve.
These seem to have been the rates for the urban areas; in the countryside the
government levied a flat charge of four per cent of the state demand upon
agricultural produce. If the agents of government failed to collect the jiziyah
from any one for an entire year, he could not be charged the sum later. A
dirhem was roughly 550 English grains of silver..."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The history further makes it clear that population
of any community played a vital role for affecting India's polity as well as
Geography. Afghanistan was part of Greater India as Gandhar. It was also part
of Greater India up to 1739 A.D. and Buddhism was a dominant religion in
Afghanistan. Conversion of Buddhists into Islam in Afghanistan started process
of separation which completed in 1739 AD when Nadirshah separated Afghanistan
from India and merged in his empire. After death of Nadirshah Afghanistan
became an independent Muslim State. Due to Islamic Rule for more than one
thousand years in Sindh, Punjab, North Western Frontier Provinces and Bengal
Hindu majority were converted into Muslim. In the year 1945, the percentage of
Muslim population was 54 per cent and Hindus were 45 per cent and others were 1
per cent in Bengal only. Due to certain privileges to Muslims in India Greater
India was partitioned in 1947 on the basis of two nations theory that the
Muslims and Hindus constitute two nations. Present problem in Kashmir valley is
also problem of Majority Muslim population whereas there is no such problem in
Jammu and Laddakh where Hindus and Buddhists are in majority. History also
makes it clear that due to special privileges to Muslims for more than one
thousand years during Muslim Rule, though they were in microscopic minority and
special separate rights to Muslims were given by Britishers also after 1906
upto Inidia was actually partitioned on the basis of Muslim population in
undivided India. It is clear that population coupled with special rights
awarded to Muslims, detailed above, played a greater role in changing history
and geography of this country.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">As has already been discussed above which is a
historical fact that majority of Muslims were converted Hindus and has origin
of Hindus ancestors who adopted Muslim religion for various reasons during the
period of more than one thousand years of Islamic Rule in the country and the
majority of conversion took place due to economic reason of poor who could not
pay Jezia Tax compulsorily made payable by Hindu population. Historic Book
'Glimpses of World History' written by Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru makes it clear
that conversion from Hindu community to Muslim religion during muslim Rule took
place mostly due to poverty and due to non-payment of Jezia Tax. It is only
after the end of the Muslim rule, Hindus and Muslims jointly fought against
Britishers in 1857 AD-the first war of independence against foreigners to
re-establish India's own rule. This common-ness and nationhood lasted not for
more than 50 years, when Muslim League was established in 1906 which started
claiming separate rights on the ground of religion which was conceded by
Congress as well as British Parliament which ultimately resulted in division of
the country on the basis of religion and changed Geography of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The above careful study of the history makes it
clear that minority rights were given for protecting their right and not to
claim any privilege or special rights in comparison to Hindus, but to remove
sense of insecurity and lack of confidence in minority, who opposed partition
of India, but this minority right was misinterpreted by certain quarters and
inspite of the fact that at present the population of Muslim Religious group is
more than 18.5 per cent, they are still claiming themselves as religious
minority community, though neither there is any insecurity nor there is any
lack of confidence in Muslims whereas Muslim Religious group has now become
single largest religious dominant group on the basis of population &
strength affecting all walks of life including democratic process. It is
further clear that in some States of India Muslim population is about 25 per
cent and at least more than 13.8% on all India basis. In this backdrop, now
Muslims have become a dominant group in all respects and have ceased to be a
Religious minority community. As the matter before the Court is relating to
Uttar Pradesh, hence the Court is expressing opinion only with regard to Muslim
Religious community in Uttar Pradesh. This Court has taken note of historical background,
judgments of Apex Court and debates of Constituent Assembly and is of the view
that any further recognition of Muslims as a religious minority community will
necessarily give rise to multinationalism in India and as such the State of
Uttar Pradesh as well as Central Government may consider and pass appropriate
orders to delete entry of Muslims as a religious minority community in India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The above discussions made it clear that ancestors
of present Hindu society fought and saved their religion, civilization and
culture even by paying Jezia Tax for continuing as Hindu in Islamic Rule in
different parts of India and present Indian generation should be grateful for
saving their religion, culture and civilisation even under such odd situation.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">It is further clear from the History that it was
Akbar who did not impose any Jezia tax, but the same was re-imposed lateron by
Aurangjeb.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">During the period of Muslim Rule for about one
thousand year, no member of Muslim community claimed any minority rights. The
Britishers thereafter tookover the administration of India. First war of
Independence in 1857 was fought by both Hindus and Muslims jointly. After 1857,
first war of independence, certain social, political and religious awakening
took place in the Indian society. A number of social reformers and religious
leaders emerged who worked in the Indian Society some of them were Swami
Dayanand Sarswati who established Arya Samaj, Sri Raja Ram Mohan Rai, Swami
Vivekanand and various other awakening and political changes also took place in
the Indian society towards their rights in this era.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">From the Book 'Discovery of India' by Pt. Jawahar
Lal Nehru following facts are borne out that how concept of minority was
developed in pre independence era:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Indian National Congress was also established in
1885 and thereafter in 1906, Indian Muslim League was established by some
Muslim leaders. Under the banner of Indian National Congress, Hindus and
Muslims both participated in the national movement of Independence under the
leadership of national leaders belonging to both the communities and ultimately
under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi movement for independence gained
momentum. But, Muslim League started claiming separate electorate/franchise for
Muslims even prior to 1935.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The above history of Muslim Religious Community in
India makes it clear that though Muslims were always in microscopic minority,
but constituted the privileged class or were most favoured children of the
State who enjoyed all the benefits from the public welfare and other State
enterprises during Muslim Rule. The other non-muslim communities for about
centuries under the Islamic Rules were underprivileged, weak and nondominant
group of the Indian society. Muslim community was dominant upto partition of
the India in all spheres of life including polity. The History itself speaks
that abnormal growth of Muslim population proved to be a weapon for Muslim
community for getting political power and to re-establish the Government in
power of their own choice in the democratic process by using their voting
rights in one side or the other prior and after partition in India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The above historical background makes it clear
that the Muslim Religious Community was a privileged class in comparison to
Non-Muslim religious communities during Muslim Rules and also continuing as
such during British Rule which developed a complex in Muslim Religious
Community and in order to revive aforesaid privilege the Muslim Religious
Community claimed partition of India. Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan
which were part of ancient India were separated from it and are Islamic States
and non-muslim religious communities are compelled to reside under the Islamic
Rules.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The intention of Founding Fathers of the
Constitution of India was not to create any privilege to minority religious
community while introducing Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India.
This was just a protection given to minorities due to meagre population and
strength treating such religious groups as non-dominant groups/communities.
Constituent Assembly has categorised these non-dominant religious groups in
three classes in the Schedule, i.e., 1/2%, less than 1-1/2% and above 1-1/2%.
This was the criteria fixed by the Constituent Assembly for determining religious
or linguistic minority. According to the Apex Court it is the region or the
State which is the criteria for determining a religious or linguistic minority.
Muslim Religious community is at present more than 18.5% of population in Uttar
Pradesh is a dominant religious community and no sense of insecurity or lack of
confidence exist amongst them at present. The claim of any religious
group/community as privileged class may give rise to other community to make
such demands which may be detrimental to nation's unity and integrity.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Pt Jawahar Lal Nehru in his Book 'Discovery of
India' at page 382 had described minority in India as under:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">" ....Minorities in India, it must be
remembered are not racial or national minorities as in Europe; they are religious
minorities. Racially India is a patchwork and a curious mixture, but no racial
questions have arisen or can arise in India. Religion transcends these racial
differences, which fade into one another and are often hard to distinguish.
Religious barriers are obviously not permanent, as conversions can take place
from one religion to another, and a person changing his religion does not
thereby lose his racial background or his cultural and linguistic inheritance.
Latterly religion, in any real sense of the word, has played little part in
Indian political conflicts, though the word is often enough used and exploited.
Religion differences, as such, do not come in the way, for there is a great
deal of mutual tolerance for them. In political matters religion has been
displayed by what is called communalism, a narrow group mentality basing itself
on a religious community but in reality concerned with political power and
patronage for the interested group...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In his Book 'Discovery of India' at page 392, Pt Jawahar
Lal Nehru further noted as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Mr. Jinnah's demand was based on a new
theory he had recently propunded that India consited of two nations, Hindu and
Mislem. Why only two. I do not know, for if nationality was based on religion,
then there were many nations in India....."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Above observations of Pt Jawahar Lal Nehru that
the question of minority was raised by Muslim leaders in order to gain their
political powers would be clear from Chapter II of the Book 'The Administration
of the Moghul Empire' written by a Historian Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi published
in 1973 and reprinted in 1973. The relevant part of Chapter II, pages 22 and 23
are being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"ISLAM takes a comprehensive view of life and
does not separate politics from religion....."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"By the time of the Prophet's death, the
Muslim state was already strong and well consolidated. IN its essence it was
the organized Muslim community functioning as a religious entity to preserve
and propagate its beliefs and to provide the facilities to practise them,
confronted with socia, economic and political needs to sustain its life as an
independent society, hence organized into a state without which its prime
object of maintaining its Islamic character could jeopardized. This need could be
felt by any religious group, but in Islam religion was not merely a matter of
prayer and belief but it also embraced the external behaviour of man to a
degree that such a conception of the Islamic community was inevitable. The
Muslim thinkers have mostly upheld this conception of the Islamic State. Their
legal thinking also has been affected by this belief; indeed this conception is
so deeply immersed in the Islamic doctrine that it would be difficult to
separate it from religious thought....."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Founding Fathers of Constitution never expected
any such privileged and expected to make India a secular State, but given some
protection to some of the religious communities having population about 1-1/2%
of total population as religious minority community. The History of Minority
narrated above also confirms the same.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Upto 1941, Muslim community never claimed any
minority rights. The Hindu and Muslim population ratio available on record
makes it clear that Muslim population never gone beyond 12.58% prior to 1941.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Following are the details showing percentage of
Hindu and Muslim population according to Census of 1921, 1931 and 1941:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Census of 1921</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Hindu - 84.40%</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muslims -9.57%</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Census of 1931</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Hindu - 84.34%</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muslims -9.86%</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Census of 1941</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Hindu - 75.89%</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muslims -12.58%</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In 1940, Muslim League started claiming separate
nation for Muslims on the ground that Muslims constitute a separate nation and
Hindus and Muslim could not live together. Muslim leaders at that time were of
the view that after independence perhaps Muslims would be ruled by Hindus,
though Muslims were rulers prior to British Rule and majority Hindu population
was being ruled by Muslim rulers and after independence there would be
dominance of Hindus in administration. Muslims were so dominant in 1941 that on
the strength of their population which was 12.58% only compelled the people of
India to get a separate country for themselves and Islamic State of Pakistan
came into existence.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Census of 1951 makes it clear that inspite of the
division of India on the ground that Muslims and Hindus form two separate
nations with support of Muslim population residing in every State of India
supporting the demand of partition of the country, Pakistan was formed and
India was divided, it was expected that except very few nationalist Muslims,
who opposed partition of India would remain in India. For protection of those
nationalist Muslims minority status was granted to them apart from other
minority communities, but the majority of Muslim population did not go to
Pakistan and remained in India, i.e., 9.09%, according to 1951 Census report,
did continue to remain in India. Population of Muslims played an active role in
dividing the country in two nations which shows that at any point of time
strength & population of Muslim religious community played a vital role in
deciding the fate of the India and that is why Sri Pocker Mohammed, a member of
Constituent Assembly while delivering his speech rightly said that the Muslims
are a strongly knitted community and also that if special rights are not given
to them they will become desperate. Muslim religious group at present has
become a major dominant force in democratic India on the basis of their
population, voting rights and strength in getting elected their representative
and own Government on the basis of their voting power.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Out of 5,37,61,925 of rest of population in 1951
Census the Muslims population was 90,58,992 in U.P. which constituted about
1/6th of total population. Census of 2001, makes it clear that out of total
population of U.P. 16,61,57,921, 13,39,79,263, was Hindu population and the
Muslims population was 3,07,40,158 which is about 1/4th. It is worthy to notice
here that population of Muslims throughout India in 1951 was 3,54,10,123 which
is almost equivalent to All India population of Muslims of 1951 at present only
in Uttar Pradesh.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">A perusal of the chart of the Census available on
record also makes it clear that in a number of provinces the population of
Muslims is more than 25%. In case Muslim community was in a dominant position
at the time of partition only on the basis of 12.58% population and only 3% of
Muslim population transferred to Pakistan after partition as is clear from the
census of the 1951, though most of the population belonging to Muslim Religious
Community throughout India supported partition and achieved their goal as is
clear from the Constituent Assembly Debates. Such Religious group has now
become a majority group again on the basis of their increased strength &
population and if proper Training & Education of patriotism and secularism
is not given and are left with any religious elements, it may give rise to
multi-nationalism in India. This caution was made by the Apex Court in Bal
Patil's case (supra) and as such this Court of the firm view that if in 1941,
12.58% population of Muslims was so powerful that they succeeded in dividing
the country how the present population of 18.5% of muslims in the State of
Uttar Pradesh could be treated as a religious minority community and a non-dominant
group.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Following Chart of the Muslim population in some
of the Districts of State of Uttar Pradesh shows the strength of Muslim
community which appears to be only dominant religious community which could
affect the democratic set up of the country:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Census -2001, U.P. </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Districts Hindu s Muslims </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Saharanpur 17,23,226 11,32,919 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muzaffarnagar 21,51,009 13,49,629</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bijnor 17,66,391 13,06,329</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Moradabad 20,52,014 17,35,381</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Rampur 9,05,062 9,45,277</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Jyotiba Phule Nagar 8,97,785 5,90,308</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Meerut 19,64,504 9,75,715</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Baghpat 8,54,718 2,87,871</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Ghaziabad 24,61,008 7,82,915 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Gautam Buddha Nagar 10,28,937 1,56,415</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bulandshahr 22,85,976 6,13,660</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Aligarh 24,38,496 5,31,956</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Budaun 24,02,152 6,54,797</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bareilly 23,45,325 12,26,386</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Pilibhit 11,73,317 3,90,337</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Shahjahanpur 20,28,913 4,55,049</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Kheri 24,82,852 6,12,638</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Lucknow 28,52,721 7,48,687</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Farrukhabad 13,26,118 2,32,599</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Kannuj 11,64,479 2,19,104</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Kanpur Nagar 34,48,024 6,53,881</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Kaushambi 11,16,223 1,74,698</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Allahabad 82,84,834 6,27,735</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Barabanki 20,72,421 5,89,197</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sultanpur 26,76,468 5,24,642</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bahraich 15,37,177 8,29,361</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Shrawasti 8,72,653 3,01,117 </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Balrampur 10,58,676 6,17,675</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Siddharthnagar 14,28,543 6,00,336</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Basti 17,62,973 3,06,540</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sant Kabir Nagar 10,73,646 3,41,154</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Maharajganj 17,93,304 3,57,822</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Kushinagar 23,94,602 4,87,674</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Deoria 23,98,395 3,08,731</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Azamgarh 33,32,711 5,93,907</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Mau 14,94,344 3,53,003</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Jaunpur 34,84,557 3,99,186</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Ghazipur 27,22,780 3,00,327</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Varanasi 26,27,565 4,97,516</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sant Ravidas Nagar 11,87,835 1,61,962</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bhadohi</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Considering the historical background discussed
above and the proceedings of Constituent Assembly, it is clear that population
and strength was the only norm basis of recognising any community as religious
minority community in India. If India could be partitioned in two nations on
the basis of 12.58% population of Muslims at the time of partition, the present
population of 18.5% of Muslims in State of Uttar Pradesh are more dominant
group in comparison to any other religious community according to strength
& population and cannot be treated as religious minority community.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-81151663242926961652013-09-05T05:02:00.001-07:002013-09-05T05:02:27.295-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 5<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Though
this Court by a specific direction directed Union of India and other Opp.
Parties to inform the Court what are the basis or reasons or criterion for
declaring any community as religious minority community, but neither Union of
India not the State of Uttar Pradesh brought any material on record to show
criterion for determining a community as religious minority community and as
such this Court while considering the question whether Muslim community is a
religious minority has to see the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly and
various judgments of Apex Court and other Court. Minority has not been defined
in the Constitution of India</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span></div>
<span lang="EN-US"><div style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The Eleven Judges Bench of the Apex Court in
T.M.A. Pai Foundation and others v. State of Karnataka, AIR 2003 SC 356 has
also considered report of the Advisory Committee on minority placed in the
Constituent Assembly. A part of Paragraph 157 is being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"157....similarly, conferring certain rights
on a special class, for good reasons, cannot be considered inequitable. All the
people of India are not alike, and that is why preferential treatment to a
special section of the society is not frowned upon. Article 30 is a special
right conferred on the religious and linguistic minorities because of their
numerical handicap and to instill in them a sense of security and confidence,
even though the minorities cannot be per se regarded as weaker sections or
underprivileged segments of the society."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Paragraphs 158, 159 and 160 of the judgment of the
Apex Court is also very relevant to the controversy involved in the present
case, the same is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"158. The one billion population of India
consists of six main ethnic groups and fifty-two major tribes; six major
religions and 6,400 castes and sub-castes; eighteen major languages and 1,600
minor languages and dialects. The essence of secularism in India can best be
depicted if a relief map of India is made in mosaic, where the aforesaid one
billion people are the small pieces of marble that go into the making of a map.
Each person, whatever his/her language, caste, religion has his/her individual
identity, which has to be preserved, so that when placed together it goes to
form a depiction with the different geographical features of India. These small
pieces of marble, in the form of human beings, which may individually be dissimilar
to each other, when placed together in a systematic manner, produce the
beautiful map of India. Each piece, like a citizen of India, plays an important
part in making of the whole. The variations of the colours as well as different
shades of the same colour in a map is the result of these small pieces of
different shades and colours of marble, but even when one small piece of marble
is removed, the whole map of India would be scarred, and the beauty would be
lost.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 17px;"><br /></span></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">159. Each of the people of India has an important
place in the formation of the nation. Each piece has to retain its own colour.
By itself , it may be an insignificant stone, but when placed in a proper
manner goes into the making of a full picture of India in all its different
colours and hues."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">160. A citizen of India stands in a similar
position. The Constitution recognises the differences among the people of
India, but it gives equal importance to each of them, their differences
notwithstanding, for only then can there be a unified secular nation.
Recognizing the need for the preservation and retention of different pieces
that go into the making of a whole nation, the Constitution, while maintaining,
inter alia, the basic principle of equality, contains adequate provisions that
ensure the preservation of these different pieces."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">One of the Hon'ble Judge in Eleven Judges' Bench
of the Apex Court in Paragraphs 169, 170 and 184 observed as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"169. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar while intervening in
debate in regard to amendment to draft Art.23 which related to the rights of
religious and linguistic minorities stated that "the term 'minority' was
used therein not in the technical sense of the word minority as we have been
accustomed to use it for purposes of certain political safeguards, such as representation
in the legislature, representation in the services and so on." According
to him, the word minority is used not merely to indicate, the minority in
technical sense of the word, it is also used to cover minorities which are not
minorities in the technical sense but which are nonetheless minorities in the
cultural and linguistic sense. Dr. Ambedkar cited following example which runs
as under:</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"For instance, for the purposes of this Art.
23, if a certain number of people from Madras came and settled in Bombay for
certain purposes, they would be, although not a minority in the technical
sense, cultural minorities. Similarly, if a certain number of Maharastrians
went from Maharashtra and settled in Bengal, although they may not be
minorities in technical true sense, they would be cultural and linguistic
minorities in Bengal.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The Article intends to give protection in the
matter of culture, language and script not only to a minority technically, but
also to a minority in the wider sense of the term as I have explained just now.
That is the reason why we dropped the word minority because we felt that the
word might be interpreted in the narrow sense of the term when the intention of
this House, when it passed Art. 18, was to use the word "minority" in
a much wider sense, so as to give cultural protection to those who were
technically not minorities but minorities nonetheless." (See Constituent
Assembly Debates Official Report reprinted by Lok Sabha Secretariat).</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">170. The draft article and the Constituent
assembly Debates in unambiguous terms show that minority status of a group of
persons has to be determined on the basis of population of a State or Union
Territory.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">184. In view of what has been stated above, my
conclusion on the question who are minorities either religious or linguistic
within the meaning of Art. 30 is as follows :</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The person or persons establishing an educational
institution who belong to either religious or linguistic group who are less
than fifty per cent, of total population of the State in which educational
institution is established would be linguistic or religious minorities."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Paragraph 246 of the judgment of the Apex Court is
also very relevant, the same is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"246. It has been settled by a catena of decisions
of this Court (In RE: The Kerala Education Bill, 1957 (1959 SCR 995), Rev.
Sidhajbhai Sabhjai & Ors. v. State of Bombay & Anr..(1963 (3) SCR 837),
The Ahmedabad St. Xavier's College Society & Anr. (1975 (1) SCR 173) and
St. Stephen's College v. University of Delhi (1992 (1) SCC 558), that Article
30 of the Constitution conferred special rights on the minorities (linguistic
or religious. The word 'minority' is not defined in the Constitution but
literally it means 'a non-dominant' group. It is a relative term and is
referred to, to represent the smaller of two numbers, sections or group called
'majority'. In that sense, there may be political minority, religious minority,
linguistic minority, etc."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Paragraph 143 of the judgment of Apex Court is
also very relevant in the context of the matter before the Court, the same is
being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"143. This means that the right under Art.
30(1) implies that any grant that is given by the State to the minority
institution cannot have such conditions attached to it, which will in any way
dilute or abridge the rights of the minority institution to establish and
administer that institution. The conditions that can normally be permitted to
be imposed, on the educational institutions receiving the grant, must be
related to the proper utilization of the grant and fulfilment of the objectives
of the grant. Any such secular conditions so laid, such as a proper audit with
regard to the utilization of the funds and the manner in which the funds are to
be utilized, will be applicable and would not dilute the minority status of the
educational institutions. Such conditions would be valid if they are also
imposed on other educational institutions receiving the grant."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation case
(supra) has recoded a finding in Paragraph-158 that India consists of six main
ethnic groups, 52 major Tribes, six major religions, 6400 castes and
sub-castes, 18 major languages and 1600 minor languages and dialects. The Apex
Court further found that Muslims are neither unprivileged nor weaker section of
the Indian society, but the protection of minority was introduced only to
instill in them a sense of security and confidence.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">On consideration of Constituent Assembly debates,
it transpires that at the time of partition on the basis of two nations theory
India was partitioned on the ground that Hindus and Muslims constitute two
nations, most of the Muslims were expected to go to Pakistan and only few
nationalist Muslims were expected to remain in India who were insecure or
lacking confidence at the time of partition. The questions arise to be
considered Whether sense of insecurity and lack of confidence prevailing at the
time of partition still continuing in 2007 and Muslim community are still
continuing as minority and how minority will be calculated in comparison to
which religious group?</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">In order to consider these questions, the Court
has gone through the relevant part of proceeding of Constituent Assembly.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Constituent Assembly Debates (Proceedings
commenced on 9.12.1946 and continued till 24.1.1950 (Vol. 1, published by Lok
Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi, 1989))make it clear that Constituent Assembly
appointed an Advisory Committee on minority, which submitted a report on
minority rights before the Constituent Assembly. Constituent Assembly
deliberated the issue and fixed certain percentage of population for
consideration of any community as religious minority community.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">From perusal of the report, it transpires that the
Advisory Committee on Minority divided minorities according to their strength
and population and prepared a Schedule in three parts, the same is being
reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"...We have divided the minorities according
to their strength or according to their population. In the Schedule the three parts
are set out and dealt with separately because they require separate
consideration proportion to their strength...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The Court is considering of only such religious
minorities mentioned in the Schedule of Advisory Committee on Minority,
notified in notification dated 23.10.1993 issued by Government of India under
Section 2(c) of National Minority Commission Act, 1992.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">From perusal of the Constituent Assembly Debates
dated 27th August, 1947, it is clear that the Schedule of religious minority
communities was prepared, the same is being detailed below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"Group: A-Population less ? per cent, in the
Indian Dominion omitting States.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">1.Anglo-Indians.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">2.Parsees.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">B- Population not more than 1-1/2 per cent.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">3.Indian Christians.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">4.Sikhs</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">C- Population more than 1-1/2 per cent.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">5.Muslims.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"This Schedule is based on the strength of
the communities in order that the relevant provisions in the subsequent section
may fit in and therefore this is merely a formal matter. There is no
controversy about it."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The report of the Advisory Committee on minority
containing Schedule was adopted on 27.8.1947.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Some members of the Constituent Assembly belonging
to Muslim religion were demanding some special rights including proportionate
representation of Muslims. Deliberations made in Constituent Assembly by some
members on the rights of minorities are relevant in the present context, same
are being reproduced as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Speech of Dr. P.S.Deshmukh</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">".........I believe I voice the feeling of a
large section of this House when I say that the representatives of these
minorities have taken a long and and nationalistic view of the whole matter and
provided they do not do anything to spoil the good effect. I would like to
assure them on behalf of us all that they will never have any occasion to
repent what they have conceded. It should always be remembered that we are,
speaking the bare truth, a highly charitable and liberal-minded people. Some of
our Muslim friends, mostly as a result of the British policy, painted us as tyrants
and majority-made oppressors. I have never found any justification for such an
accusation, but an unjust and untrue charge was repeated ad nauseium and
somehow sustained throughout the last so many years. It is upon those false
foundations that Pakistan was demanded and conceded. Very few showed patience
to analyse the facts. Rather than tyrannize the minorities, the fact was that
in most places the minorities privileges far in excess of what may be called
just or fair. In my own curious Province, Muslims still enjoy a position which
is even today denied to over 60 per cent of the peasants and workers by our own
Hindu rulers.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">This is not an occasion on which I would like to
go further into the matter than this. I am content that no minority is going to
try any more to deprive others of what legitimately belongs to them. For many
years past, it was the majority that has been tyrannized. Unfortunately, the
so-called majority is dumb and deaf and although many of us try always to speak
in their name, I have no hesitation in stating that we have completely failed
in translating our words into action. May I ask, Sir, what place has been given
to millions of Jats, millions of Ahirs, Gujars, Kurmis, Kunbs, the Adibasis and
millions of others. Have we not been a little too engrossed in our own exploits
and have given inadequate though to the thousands of these poor people who have
sacrificed their lives to give us the present freedom. What place have we
assigned to them except to visualize that they will as heretofore blindly,
meekly and religiously vote for any one we will choose for them. From this
point of view, the situation is gloomy even today...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Mr. H.J. Khandekar, one of the members of the
Constituent Assembly while replying the same on 28th August, 1947 made
following speech:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">".....Speaking plainly it means that he
desires separate electorates in a different form. I may explain to you the
effects of separate electorates in this country. It was because of Lord Mortley
Minto that Muslims got separate electorates and the result was that our country
was divided into two. The same separate electorates are being brought before us
in the form of percentage. If this is accepted either for Harijans or for our
Muslim brothers, then it would mean the fulfilment of what my friend Mr. Jinnah
has always said "Muslims of India and Muslims of Pakistan"-which
means the preparation for Pakistan within India. Much suffering has been caused
already. India has been divided into two. Brother Muslims have got what they wanted
and was for their benefit. Having got that, they should be good enough not to
try to create Pakistan within India and should not bring an amendment of this
sort in this House......"</span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad and other speakers also
wanted some reservation for muslim community in the Constitution of India,
which was refused by the Constituent Assembly and Honourable Sardar Vallabhbhai
J. Patel, President of Advisory Committee while replying for such demands of
members of the minorities made following speech in the Constituent Assembly,
relevant part of which is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"....I thought that our friends of the Muslim
League will see the reasonableness of our attitude and allow themselves to
accommodate themselves to the changed conditions after the separation of the
country. But I now find them adopting the same methods which were adopted when
the separate electorates were first introduced in this country, and in spite of
ample sweetness in the language used there is a full dose of poison in the method
adopted. (Hear, Hear). Therefore, I regret to say that if I lose the affection
of the younger brother, I am prepared to lose it because the method he wants to
adopt would bring about his death. I would rather lose his affection and keep
him alive. If this amendment is lost, we will lose the affection of the younger
brother, but I prefer the younger brother to live so that he may see the wisdom
of the attitude of the elder brother and he may still learn to have affection
for the elder brother.</span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Now, this formula has a history behind it and
those who are in the Congress will be able to remember that history. In
Congress history this is known as the Mohammad Ali Formula. Since the
introduction of separate electorates in this land there were two parties amongst
the Muslims. One was the Nationalist Muslims or the Congress Muslims and the
other the Muslim League members, or the representatives of the Muslim League.
There was considerable tension on this question and at one time there was a
practical majority against this joint electorate. But a stage was reached when,
as was pointed out by the Mover of this amendment in Allahabad a settlement was
reached. Did we stand by that settlement? No. We now have got the division of
the country. In order to prevent the separation this formula was evolved by the
nationalist Muslims, as a sort of half-way house, until the nation becomes one;
we wished to drop it afterwards. But now the separation of the country is
complete and you say, let us introduce it again and have another separation. I
do not understand this method of affection. Therefore, although I would not
have like to say anything on this motion, I think it is better that we know our
minds perfectly each other, so that we can understand where we stand. If the process
that was adopted, which resulted in the separation of the country, is to be
repeated, then I say: Those who want that kind of thing have a place in
Pakistan, not here (Applause). Here, we are building a nation and we are laying
the foundations of One Nation, and those who choose to divide again and sow the
seeds of disruption will have no place, no quarter, here, and I must say that
plainly enough. (Hear, Hear.) Now, if you think that reservation necessarily
means this clause as you have suggested, I am prepared to withdraw the
reservation for your own benefit. If you agree to that, I am prepared, and I am
sure no one in this House will be against the withdrawal of the reservation if
that is a satisfaction to you. You cannot have it both ways. Therefore, my
friends you must change your attitude, adapt yourself to the changed
conditions. And don't pretend to say "Oh, our affection is very great for
you". We have seen your affection. Why talk of it? Let us forget the
affection. Let us face the realities. Ask yourself whether you really want to
stand here and cooperate with us or you want again to play disruptive tactics.
Therefore, when I appeal to you, I appeal to you to have a change in your
heart, not a change in the tongue, because that won't pay here. Therefore, I
still appeal to you: "Friends, reconsider your attitude and withdraw your
amendment". Why go on saying "Oh, Muslims were not heard; Muslim
amendment was not carried". If that is going to pay you, you are much
mistaken, and I know how it cost me to protect the Muslim minorities here under
the present condition and in the present atmosphere. Therefore, I suggest that
you don't forget that the days in which the agitation of the type you carried
on are closed and we begin a new chapter. Therefore, I once more appeal t you
to forget the past. Forget what has happened. You have got what you wanted. You
have got a separate State and remember, you are the people who were responsible
for it, and not those who remain in Pakistan. You led the agitation. You got
it. What is it that you want now? I don't understand. In the majority Hindu
provinces you, the minorities, you led the agitation. You got the partition and
now again you tell me and ask me to say for the purpose of securing the
affection of the younger brother that I must agree to the same, thing again to
divide the country again in the divided part. For God's sake, understand that
we have also got some sense. Let us understand the thing clearly. Therefore
when I say we must forget the past, I say it sincerely. There will be no
injustice done to you. There will be generosity towards you, but there must be
reciprocity. If it is absent, then you take it from me that no soft words can
conceal what is behind your words. Therefore, I plainly once more appeal to you
strongly that let us forget and let us be one nation....."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The amendment proposed by the Muslim members were
refused by the Constituent Assembly on the reservation and separate electorate.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The matter was again considered by the Constituent
Assembly while considering Article 17, i.e., "Conversion from one religion
to another brought about by coercion or undue influence shall not be
recognised".</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Speech of Shri R.V. Dhulekar, member of the
Constituent Assembly is very relevant in the context of controversy involved in
the present case, the same is being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"Mr. President, my opinion is that clause 17
should be retained as it stands. In the present environment, all sorts of
efforts are being made to increase the population of a particular section in
this country, so that once again efforts may be made to further divide the
country. There is ample proof, both within this House and outside that many who
live in this country are not prepared to be the citizens of this country. Those
who have caused the division of our land desire that India may be further
divided. Therefore in view of the present circumstances, I think that this
clause should be retained. It is necessary that full attention should be paid
to this. While on tour, I see every day refugees moving about with their
children and I find them at railway stations, shops, hotels, bakeries and at
numerous other places. The men of these bakeries abduct these women and
children. There should be legislation to stop this. I would request you that an
early move should be made to stop all this and millions of people would be
saved.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">I submit that we cannot now tolerate things of
this nature. We are being attacked and we do not want that India's population,
the numerical strength of the Hindus and other communities should gradually
diminish, and after ten years the other people may again say that "we
constitute a separate nation". These separatist tendencies should be
crushed.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Therefore, I request that section 17 may be
retained in the same form as is recommended by the Advisory Committee."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">In Constituent Assembly debate dated 27th August,
1947 Sri B. Pocker Sahib Bahadur, a Representative of Muslim from Madras made
following statement:_</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">".....At present the Muslims are strong and
well-organised. Now, if they are made to feel that their voice cannot even be
heard in the Legislature, they will become desperate. I would request you not
to create that contingency...." (Page 214 of the Constituent Assembly
Debates)</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Aforesaid statement of a Muslim representative was
made in the Constituent Assembly debates after partition of the country has
taken place.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Participating in the debate of the Constituent
Assembly, Sri M. Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, a representative of Madras in his
speech before the Constituent Assembly stated as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"....In my part of the world, the Madras
Presidency, though the Muslims are in a minority, they also joined in this move
for separating the country. Have you a responsible for it? Have you a paralled
to this carriage that is going on in the Punjab whoever may be responsible for
it."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Replying the debates, the President of the
Advisory Committee on Minority has made a speech, relevant part of which is
being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"My friends the Mover of this amendment says
the Muslim community today is a strong-knit community. Very good, I am glad to
hear that, and therefore I say you have no business to ask for any props
(Cheers). Because there are other minorities who are not well-organised, and
deserve special consideration and some safeguards, we want to be generous to
them...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">This was the situation at the time immediately
after partition coupled with the finding recorded by the Apex Court that Muslim
minorities were never regarded as weaker and unprivileged section of the
society, but only for a sense of security and confidence minorities were given
special treatment. In Paragraph 246 of the Eleven Judges' Bench judgment of the
Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation and others v. State of Karnataka case reported
in AIR 2003 SC 356, word minority was defined and it means 'a non-dominant'
group. It is a relative term and is referred to, to represent the smaller of
two numbers.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Considering the controversy of Muslim minority in
its entirety, this Court feels it appropriate to consider whether the Muslims
in India or in State of Uttar Pradesh are non-dominant group which is the
intention of the Constitution of India as held by the Apex Court in Eleven
Judges' Bench Judgment in T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra) followed by the
judgments of the Apex Court reported in 2005 (3) ESC 373, (2003) SCC (6) 697,
Islamic Academy of Education and another v. State of Karnataka and others.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The Apex Court while considering the case of Jain
community claiming as minority has laid down certain principles relating to
minority and made observations that such demands may lead to multi-nationalism.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">In this regard Paragraphs 10, 14, 20, 21, 22, 23,
25, 32, 33, 34, 36 of Three Judges' Judgment of the Apex Court in Bal Patil and
another v. Union of India and others reported in AIR 2005, SC, 3172 are very
relevant, same are being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"10. The expression 'minority' has been used
in Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution but it has nowhere been defined. The
Preamble of the Constitution proclaims to guarantee every citizen 'liberty of
thought, expression, belief, faith and worship'. Group of Articles 25 to 30
guarantee protection of religious, cultural and educational rights to both
majority and minority communities. It appears that keeping in view the
constitutional guarantees for protection of cultural, educational and religious
rights of all citizens, it was not felt necessary to define 'minority'.
Minority as understood from constitutional scheme signifies an identifiable group
of people or community who were seen as deserving communities who happen to be
in majority and like to gain political power in a democratic form of Government
based on election.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">14. On considering the general functions of the
Commission enumerated under section 9 which are only illustrative and not
exhaustive, the Commission cannot be said to have transgressed its authority in
entertaining representation, demands and counter-demands of members of Jain
community for the status of 'minority'. Keeping in view the provisions of the
Act, the recommendation made by the Commission in favour of the Jains is in the
nature of advice and can have no binding effect. The power under Section 2(c)
of the Act vests in the Central Government which alone, on its own assessment,
has to accept or reject the claim of status of minority by a community.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">20. The history of the struggle for Independence
of India bears ample testimony of the fact that the concept of 'minorities' and
the demands for special care and protection of their religious and cultural
rights arose after bitter experience of religious conflicts which
intermittently arose in about 150 years of British Rule. The demand of
partition gained momentum at the time the Britishers decided to leave by
handing over self-rule to Indians. The Britishers always treated Hindus and
Muslims as two different groups of citizens requiring different treatment. To
those groups were added Anglo-Indians and Christians as a result of large scale
inter-marriages and conversions of several sections of communities in India to
Christianity. Prior to passing of the Independence Act of India to hand over
self-rule to Indians, Britishers in the course of gradually conceding some
democratic right to Indians, contemplated formation of separate constituencies
on reservations of certain seats in Legislature in proportion to the population
of Hindus and Muslims. That attempt was strongly resisted by both prominent
Hindu and Muslim national leaders who had jointly and actively participated in
the struggle for independence of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">21. The attempt of the Britishers to form separate
electorates and make reservations of seats on the basis of population of Hindus
and Muslims, however, ultimately led to revival of demand for reservation of
constituencies and seats in the first elected Government to be formed in free
India. Resistance to such demands by Hindu and some Muslim leaders ultimately
led to partition of India and formation of separate Muslim State presently
known as Pakistan.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">22. Many other revelations concerning competing
claims for reservation of seats on religious basis can be gathered from the
personal diary of prominent national leaders late Abdul Kalam Azad. The diary
was made public, in accordance with his last wish only after 25 years of
independence. The publication of Azad's diary made it necessary for
constitutional expert H.M. Seervai to re-write his chapter under caption
'Partition of India - Legend and Reality' in his book on 'Constitutional Law of
India'. Many apprehensions and fears were expressed and disturbed the minds of
the Muslims. They thought in democracy to be set up in India, the Hindus being
in majority would always dominate and retain political power on the basis of
their voting strength. There were also apprehensions expressed by many
prominent Muslim leaders that there might be interference with and
discouragement to their cultural, religious and educational rights. Abdul Kalam
Azad acted as mediator in negotiations between the national leaders of the
times namely late Nehru and Patel on one side and late Jinnah and Liaqat Ali on
the other. Nehru and Patel insisted that in the new Constitution, there would
be one united India belonging to people of various religious faiths and
cultures with all having full freedom of their social, cultural religious and
other constitutional rights. They advocated one single citizenship to every
Indian regardless of his language or religion. The opposing group of Muslim
leaders, in the interest of members of their community, insisted on providing
to them participation in democratic processes proportionate to their ratio of
population and thus counter-balance the likely domination of Hindu majority.
They also insisted that separate electorate constituencies based on their
population be formed and seats be reserved for them in different parts of
India. Late Abdul Kalam Azad tried his utmost to find a midway and thus break
the stalemate between the two opposing groups but Nehru and Patel remained
resolute and rejected the proposal of Jinnah and Liaqat Ali. The tragic result
was that provinces with the highest Muslim population in the erstwhile States
of Sindh, Punjab and Baluchistan had to be ceded to form a separate theocratic
nation - Pakistan. See the following paragraph 1,314 at pg. 153 of 'Constitutional
Law of India' by H.M. Seerval, Fourth Edition, Vol. I:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"1,314. Azad passionately believed in
Hindu-Muslim unity, but he found that from the mid-twenties Gandhi had lost
interest in Hindu-Muslim unity and took no steps to secure it. Further, Azad
had played a leading part in providing a framework for the Constiution of a
free and united India on which the Cabinet Mission Plan was largely based, a
Plan which offered India her last chance to remain united. However, Gandhi
accepted partition instead, Azad did his utmost to prevent the partition of
India, but he failed to persuade Nehru and Gandhi not to accept
partition."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">23. It is against this background of partition
that at the time of giving final shape to the Constitution of India, it was felt
necessary to allay the apprehensions and fears in the minds of Muslims and
other religious communities by providing to them special guarantee and
protection of their religious, cultural and educational rights. Such protection
was found necessary to maintain unity and integrity of free India because even
after partition of India, communities like Muslims and Christians in greater
numbers living in different parts of India opted to continue to live in India
as children of its soil.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">25. Parsis constituted a numerically smaller
minority. They had migrated from their native State Iran and settled on shores
of Gujarat adopting the Gujarati language, customs and rituals thus
assimilating themselves into the Indian population.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">32. We have traced the history of India and its
struggle for independence to show how the concept of minority developed prior
to and at the time of framing of Constitution and later in the course of its
working, History tells us that there were certain religious communities in
India who were required to be given full assurance of protection of their
religious and cultural rights. India is a country of people with the largest
number of religions and languages living together and forming a Nation. Such
diversity of religions, culture and way of life is not to be found in any part
of the world. John Stuart Mill described India as "a world placed at
closed quarters". India is a world in miniature. The group of Articles 25
to 30 of the Constitution, as the historical background of partition of India
shows, was only to give a guarantee of security to the identified minorities
and thus to maintain integrity of the country. It was not in contemplation of
the framers of the Constitution to add to the list of religious minorities. The
Constitution through all its organs is committed to protect religious, cultural
and educational rights of all. Articles 25 to 30 guarantee cultural and
religious freedoms to both majority and minority groups. Ideal of a democratic
society, which has adopted right of equality as its fundamental creed, should
be elimination of majority and minority and so-called forward and backward
classes. Constitution has accepted one common citizenship for every Indian
regardless of his religion, language, culture or faith. The only birth in
India. We have to develop such enlightened citizenship where each citizen of
whatever religion or language is more concerned about his duties and
responsibilities to protect rights of the other group than asserting his own
rights. The constitutional goal is to develop citizenship in which everyone
enjoys full fundamental freedoms of religion, faith and worship and no one is
apprehensive of encroachment of his rights by others in minority or majority.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">33. The constitution ideal, which can be gathered
from the group of articles in the Constitution under Chapters of Fundamental
Rights and Fundamental Duties , is to create social conditions where there
remains no necessity to shield or protect rights of minority or majority.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">34. The above-mentioned constitutional goal has to
be kept in view by the Minorities Commissions set up at the Central or State
levels. Commissions set up for minorities have to direct their activities to
maintain integrity and unity of India by gradually eliminating the minority and
majority classes. If, only on the basis of a different religious thought or
less numerical strength or lack of health, wealth, education, power or social
rights, a claim of a section of Indian society to the status of minority is
considered and conceded, there would be no end to such claims in a society as
multi-religious and multi-linguistic as India is. A claim by one group of
citizens would lead to a similar claim by another group of citizens and
conflict and strife would ensure. As such, the Hindu society being based on
caste, is itself divided into various minority groups. Each caste claims to be
separate from the other. In a caste-ridden Indian society, no section or
distinct group of people can claim to be in majority. All are minorities
amongst Hindus. Many of them claim such status because of their small number
and expect protection from the State on the ground that they are backward. If
each minority group feels afraid of the other group, an atmosphere of mutual
fear and distrust would be created posing serious threat to the integrity of
our Nation. That would sow seeds of multi-nationalism in India. It is,
therefore, necessary that Minority Commission should act in a manner so as to
prevent generating feelings of multi-nationalism in various sections of people
of Bharat.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">36. These concluding observations were required
after the eleven-Judges' Bench in TMA Pai Foundation case (supra) held that
claims of minorities on both linguistic and religious basis would be each State
as unit. The country has already been reorganized in the year 1956 under the
States Reorganization Act on the basis of language. Differential treatments to
linguistic minorities based on language within the State is understandable but
if if the same concept for minorities on the basis of religion is encouraged,
the whole country, which is already under class and social conflicts due to
various divisive forces, will further face division on the basis of religious
diversities. Such claims to minority status based on religion would increase in
the fond hope of various sections of people getting special protections,
privileges and treatment as part of constitutional guarantee. Encouragement to
such fissiparous tendencies would be a serious jolt to the secular structure of
constitutional democracy. We should guard against making our country akin to a
theocratic State based multi-nationalism. Our concept of secularism, to put it
in a nut-shell, is that 'State' will have no religion. The States will treat
all religions and religious groups equally and with equal respect without in
any manner interfering with their individual rights of religion, faith and
worship."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">In view of the judgment of the Apex Court in Bal
Patil case (supra) after considering T.M.A. Pai Foundation case, it is clear
that intention to provide minority status was to remove sense of insecurity and
lack of confidence in the mind of Muslim and other religious communities at the
time of partition of India and further the Apex Court cautioned the country not
to create a theocratic State based on multi-nationalism and refused to
recognise Jain as a minority.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Considering the matter in its entirety, criterion
for minority, i.e., population and strength and also judgments of the Apex
Court referred above that the intention was to provide protection to a
non-dominant group, this Court is of the view that at present Muslim religious
community in U.P. is not a religious minority as there is no sense of
insecurity or lack of confidence prevailing amongst them in present scenario.
According to the finding of the Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation case
(supra) that Muslim minority is not weaker or unprivileged section of the
society.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-29818423265556706792013-09-05T05:01:00.002-07:002013-09-05T05:01:33.879-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 4<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span class="apple-style-span"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The
other Writ Petition No. 42265 of 2006 was filed by one Phool Chandra Yadav
claiming as religious minority having adopted Budhism and applied for
recognition of his institution under the U.P. Intermediate Education Act. The
same was refused and thereafter he filed another application for recognition.
In that case the question of grant-in-aid was not involved and was also not a
case relating to Madarsa. In that case various orders were passed directing the
State of U.P. not to pass any order about recognition and it was further directed
to constitute Board of High School Intermediate which has not been constituted
since 1982 during a span of three months period. Various other interim orders
altogether not connected with this case were also passed. The issues involved
in Writ Petition No. 42265 of 2006 were altogether different to the issues
involved in the present case. The only common question involved was what is the
definition of Minority. The parties were not heard on 21.3.2007 in writ
petition no. 42265 of 2006 as parties prayed for adjournment. On 21.3.2007, the
case was adjourned for 26.3.2007 on the request of learned Standing Counsel. On
that date the following order was passed.</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Sri Bhola Nath Yadav, learned Standing
Counsel produced before me the order dated 21.3.2007, passed by Special Appeal
Bench in Special Appeal No.321 of 2007. The same is being quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"It is vehemently urged that the Hon'ble
Single Judge in the order dated 11.12.2006, against which primarily this appeal
has been preferred, has gone beyond the pleadings and the issue involved or
raised by either parties. The learned Advocate General has placed relieance on
the judgment of the Hon'ble Apex Court in the case of U.P. Gram Panchayat
Adhikari Sangh and others vs. Daya Ram Saroj and others (2007) 2 SCC 138 and
submitted that there was no reason for the Hon'ble Single Judge to go beyond
the pleadings and the issue involved in the writ petition.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Shri Sanjay Kumar Srivastava, learned counsel
appearing for the petitioner-respondent fairly admitted before us that these
are not the issues involved nor he sought any such relief in the writ petition.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Admit.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">No notice is required to be issued as the sole
respondent is represented by its counsel.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">List the appeal for hearing before the appropriate
Bench in the week commencing 14.5.2007.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Considering the submissions and looking to the
facts of the case, it is provided that further proceeding in Civil Misc. Writ
Petition No.42265 of 2006, pending before the Hon'ble Single Judge, shall
remain stayed until further orders."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">From perusal of the aforesaid order, it transpires
that special appeal was preferred against order dated 11.12.2006.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In view of the interim order dated 21.3.2007,
further proceedings in writ petition shall remain stayed.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">This writ petition is disconnected with other writ
petition."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Neither the State of U.P. nor any party to the
present writ petition raised any objection on the hearing or prayed to postpone
the hearing. Learned counsel for the parties participated in the hearing and
were heard at great length and after hearing concluded, the judgment was
reserved.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">After the judgment was reserved, this Court after
careful consideration of the case tried to decided by pronouncing judgment. In
the meantime this Court was scheduled to sit at Lucknow from 9th April, 2007
till further orders. After considering the entire material on record and
following the constitution Bench judgment reported in (2005) 7 Supreme Court
Cases 625, Rameshwar Prasad and others (V) Versus Union of India and another
and in view of the fact that several questions of public importance were
involved, the Court decided to pronounce only the operative portion of the
judgment on 5.4.2007 following procedure of pronouncement of judgment indicated
in the judgment of the Apex Court to be followed by a detailed reason . Paras 8
and 9 of the judgment in the case of Rameshwar Prasad and others (V) (Supra),
are quoted below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">8. Keeping in view the questions involved, the
pronouncement of judgment with detailed reasons is likely to take some time
and, therefore, at this stage, we are pronouncing this brief order as the order
of the Court to be followed by detailed reasons later.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">9. Accordingly, as per majority opinion, this
Court orders as under:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">1.The Proclamation dated 23.5.2005 dissolving the
Legislative Assembly of the State of Bihar is unconstitutional.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">2.Despite the unconstitutionality of the impugned
proclamation, but having regard to the facts and circumstances of the case, the
present is not a case where in exercise of discretionary jurisdiction the
status quo ante deserves to be ordered to restore the Legislative Assembly as
it stood on the date of the Proclamation dated 7.3.2005 whereunder it was kept
under suspended animation.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">As far as possible, normally, the reserved judgments
are normally pronounced with the complete details, but as the Court was
schedule to sit at Lucknow from 9th April, 2007 till further orders,
considering the difficulty of pronouncing the judgment reserved at Allahabad at
Lucknow reserved at Allahabad in which matters of public importance were
involved the Court decided to pronounce operative part of the judgment to be
followed by detailed reasons.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In view of the above backdrop, now the Court is
considering the arguments raised by the parties and assigning the reasons.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sri N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the
petitioners, urged that the the petitioners are entitled to be taken on
Grant-in-Aid as religious minority institution as minority has already been
notified by the Union of India by notification dated 23.10.1993 issued under
Section 2(c) of the National Commission for Minorities Act, 1972 and Muslims,
Sikhs, Budhists, Parsees and Christians were recognised as religious
minorities. He further urged that as the Muslim population is less than 50% of
the total population of India, they were rightly recognised as minorities.
Notification dated 23.10.1993 recognising Muslims and other religious groups as
minorities was rightly issued. It was urged by Sri Khan, learned counsel for
the petitioners, that petitioners are entitled to get Grant-in-Aid as a Muslim
minority institutions as they fulfil all the conditions for Grand-in-Aid as
Muslim minority Institution and the Institutions mentioned in the list of
Grant-in-Aid which are recognised Minority Institutions were wrongly recognised
on Grant-in-Aid as Minority Institutions. He further urged, on the strength of
Paragraph-9 of the Supplementary Affidavit of Zulfqkar Ahmad-petitioner no.2
dated 31st January, 2007, that the respondent in collusion to the Secretary Sri
Chandra Prakash by taking illegal gratification of Rs. 5 lacs has taken certain
more institutions on grant including Madarsa Khanam Zan of Varanasi and Madarsa
Ahle Sunnat Ateequia, Gonda. He further referred to Paragraph-10 of the
Supplementary Affidavit and urged that the same demand is being made from
petitioners' Institution and a demand of Rs.8 lacs is being made in respect of
other newly prepared 100 institutions whereas the consideration for
grant-in-aid to Madrsas recognised in the year 1996 is being refused. He
further urged that the orders recognising any institution or Madarasa on
Grant-in-Aid against norms as minority institutions and refusal to recognise
petitioners' institution for Grant-in-Aid as Muslim Minority Institution due to
non payment of illegal gratification are vitiated in law and are liable to be
quashed.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Learned Standing Counsel, urged that any religious
group is declared as religious minority by the Central Government, the State
has to follow the same. He further urged that the religious Minority was
declared under the notification dated 23.10.1993 under Section 2(c) of the
National Minority Commission Act, 1992 and the State is recognising the same.
In the State of U.P., U.P. Minority Commission was also formed for the welfare
of the Minority communities consisting of various religious groups in
accordance with the Constitution of India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sri Shashi Shekhar Tiwari, learned counsel
appearing for Union of India and National Commission for Minority of India, New
Delhi through its Chairman and the Registrar General, Census Department, New
Delhi urged that the notification dated 23.10.1993 was rightly issued and these
religious groups including Muslims were rightly recognised as religious
minority communities. Inspite of Court's direction, he could not produce any
material disclosing basis of declaring any community as religious
minority.Justice Sachchar Committee's report called for by the Court was also
not filed by the learned counsel for the Union of India, though Union of India,
National Commission for Minority of India, New Delhi and State Minority
Commission have filed their respective affidavits and the Registrar General,
Census Department, New Delhi has also filed details of various Census data
including 1951 and 2001 on all India basis as well as Districtwise Data of
State of U.P. on religious basis which are on record. Inspite of best efforts
neither State nor Central Minority Commission filed any document to show the
basis for declaration of any group as minority community.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sri S.C. Dwivedi, learned counsel for Opp. Party
nos. 4 to 6, urged that Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 were rightly recognised as
religious minority institutions on Grant-in-Aid being founded by Muslims
minority community. The writ petition by which the petitioners prayed for
quashing the order recognising Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 and other institution
taken on Grant-in-Aid as religious Muslim minority institution is liable to be
dismissed.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">As parties are claiming recognition for
Grant-in-Aid for the Madarsas founded by religious Muslim Minority community,
this Court will deal with first question what is religion?</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The word 'religion' has not been defined in the
Constitution of India. The first case considered by the seven Judges' Bench of
Apex Court defined religion in the judgment reported in AIR 1954 SC 282, The
Commissioner, Hindu Religious Endowments, Madras v. Sri Lakshmindra Thirtha
Swamiar of Sri Shirur Mutt. In Paragraph-17 of the judgment Apex Court has
observed as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"17......Religion is certainly a matter of
faith with individuals or communities and it is not necessarily theistic. There
are well known religions in India like Budhism and Jainism which do not believe
in God or in any Intelligent First Cause. A religion undoubtedly has its basis
in a system of beliefs or doctrines which are regarded by those who profess
that religion as conducive to their spiritual well being, but it would not be
correct to say that religion is nothing else but a doctrine or belief. A
religion may not only lay down a code of ethical rules for its followers to
accept, it might prescribe rituals and observances, ceremonies and modes of
worship which are regarded as integral parts of religion, and these forms and
observances might extend even to matters of food and dress."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The Apex Court in Paragraph-22 of the same
judgment observed as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"22........ As we have already indicated,
freedom of religion in our Constitution is not confiend to religious beliefs
only; it extends to religious practices as well subject to the restrictions
which the Constitution itself has laid down. Under Art. 26(b), therefore, a
religious denomination or organisation enjoys complete autonomy in the matter
of deciding as to what rites and ceremonies are essential according to the
tenets of the religion they hold and no outside authority has any jurisdiction
to interfere with their decision in such matters."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">A Constitution Bench of Apex Court in a judgment
reported in AIR 1983 SC, p.1, S.P. Mittal v. Union of India further considered
what is the religion. In Paragraph-12 of the judgment, Apex Court observed as
follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"12.............The Constitution considers
Religion as a matter of though, expression, belief, faith and worship, a matter
involving the conscience and a matter which may be professed, practised and
propagated by anyone and which may even have some secular activity associated
with it.........."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The Apex Court in its judgment made survey of all
case laws available upto that time including AIR 1954 SCR, p. 388, Ratilal
Panachand Gandhi v. State of Bombay, AIR 1961 SC 1402, Durgah Committee Ajmer
v. Syed Hussain Ali Brothers, AIR 1963 SC, 1638, Tilkayat Shri Govindlalji
Maharaj v. State of Rajasthan, AIR 1964 SC, 1501, Birakishore v. State of
Orissa and AIR 1966 SC 1119, Sasti Yagnapurushdasji v. Muldas Bhundardas
Vaishya. In Paragraph 76 of the judgment, the word 'religion' has been defined
by the Apex Court. Paragraph-76 of the judgment is being reproduced below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"76. ..........The expression 'Religion' has,
however, been sought to be defined in the 'Words and Phrases", Permanent
Edn. 36A, p.461 onwards, as given below:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Religion is morality, with a sanction drawn
from a future state of rewards and punishments.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"The terms 'religion' and 'religious' in
ordinary usage are not rigid concepts.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">'Religion' has reference to one's views of his
relations to his Creator and to the obligations they impose of reverence for
his being and character and of obedience to his will.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"The word 'religion' in its primary sense (from
'religare' to rebind-bind back), imports as applied to moral questions, only a
recognition of a conscious duly to obey restraining principles of conduct. In
such sense we suppose there is no one who will admit that he is without
religion.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"'religion' is bond uniting man to God and
virtue whose purpose is to render God worship due him as source of all being
and principle of all government of things.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"'Religion' has reference to man's relation
to divinity to the moral obligation of reverence and worship. Obedience, and
submission. It is the recognition of God as an object of worship, love and
obedience; right feeling ship, love and obedience; right feeling towards God,
as highly apprehended.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"'Religion' means the service and adoration
of God or a God as expressed in forms of worship; and apprehension, awareness,
or conviction of the existence of a Supreme Being; any system of faith,
doctrine and worship, as the Christian religion, the religions of the Orient; a
particular system of faith or worship.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"'The term 'religion' as used in tax
exemption law, simply includes (1) a belief, not necessarily referring to
supernatural powers; (2) a cult, involving a gregarious association openly
expressing the belief; (3) a system of moral practice directly resulting from
an adherence to the belief; and (4) an organisation within the cult designed to
observe the tenets or belief, the content of such belief being of no moment.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"while 'religion' in its broadest sense
includes all forms of belief in the existence of superior beings capable of
exercising power over the human race, as commonly accepted it means the formal
recognition of God, as members of societies and association, and the term 'a
religious purpose', as used in the constitutional provision exempting from taxation
property used for religious purposes, means the use of property by a religious
society or body of persons as a place for public worship.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"'Religion' is a squaring human life with
superhuman life. Belief in a superhuman power and such an adjustment of human
activities to the requirements of that power as may enable the individual
believer to exist more happily is common to all 'religions'. The term
'religion' has reference to one's views on his relations to his Creator, and to
the obligations they impose on reverence for His being and character and
obedience to his will.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"The term 'religion' has reference to one's
view of his relations to his Creator, and to the obligations they impose of
reverence for his being and character, and of obedience to his will. With
obligations he may think they impose, and the manner in which an expression
shall be made by him of his belief on those subjects, no interference can be
permitted, provided always the law of society designed to secure its peace and
prosperity, and the morals of its people, are not interfered with."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Thus, on consideration of law settled by the Apex
Court religion is a matter of particular thought, expression, belief, faith and
worship involving the conscience, man's relationship to divinity, moral
obligation and has reverence of one's views of his relationship to the creator.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Considering the definition of religion as settled
by the Apex Court detailed above, India consists of two kinds of religions, (1)
the religions born on foreign land and brought to India such religions are
Islam, Christianity, Zoroastrian and Parsees and (2) religions born and
developed in India which are Buddhism, Jainsim, Sikhism, Aryasamaj, Brahmsamaj,
Radhaswami, Lingayats, Kabirpanth, Adwaitvad by Adi Jagat Guru Shankaracharya,
Religion based on Philosophy of Ramanujacharya, other Saints and Philosophers,
Vaishnav Panth, other different religions of Bhakti Marg including Chaitanya
Mahaprabhu, ISCON, Saint Nimbarkacharya, Philosophy of Saint Ramanand,
Theosophical Society of India, Nirankaris, Panth founded by Swami Vivekanand on
the basis of philosophy of Rama Krishana Paramhans, Religion beleiving Lord
Rama as God, Religion believing Lord Krishna as God, Aghorpanth, Sufism, Saint
Ravidas, Saint Tukaram and other different beliefs, thoughts and religions and
different religions believing on different God and Goddess, Tribals who worship
the Nature, Tribals have their own God/Goddess in India, hundreds of such
Tribal groups who worship different God/Goddess (mostly not connected with each
other) throughout India from North East, West Bengal, Orissa, Kerala and Andhra
Pradesh, Gujrat, Uttar Pradesh, Chhattishgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar and Madhya
Pradesh. Considering the definition of religion as defined by the Apex Court,
all these are religions born, developed and existing in India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">It was argued by learned counsel for the parties
that Islam, Christianity and other religions notified as religious minority
under the notification dated 23.10.1993 and all these religions were rightly
declared as religious minority communities in comparison to majority, i.e.,
Hindus.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">It was further urged by Chaudhary N.A. Khan,
learned counsel for the petitioners, that in view of the minority in comparison
to the Hindus, petitioners as well as entire Muslim community were rightly
recognised as religious minority and are entitled to get all the benefits
provided by the Constitution of India under Articles 29 and 30 and petitioners'
Madarsa is also entitled to get recognition for Grant-in-Aid as religious
minority institution.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">All the parties were heard on this question also.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">On consideration of arguments of learned counsel
for the parties and relevant provisions of National Commission of Minorities
Act and notification dated 23.10.1993, the Court is considering this question
as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Our Parliament has enacted National Commission for
Minorities Act, 1992 (Act No. 19 of 1992). By a notification dated 23rd
October, 1993, in exercise of power under Section 2(c) of the National
Commission for Minority Act, 1992, the Central Government notified follower
religious communities as minority communities:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">1.Muslims,</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">2.Christians,</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">3.Sikhs,</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">4.Buddhists and</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">5.Zoroastrians</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-63880116465269477282013-09-05T05:00:00.002-07:002013-09-05T05:00:48.684-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 3<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span class="apple-style-span"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Group-A
consists of population less than ? percent in the Indian Dominion omitting
States</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">1.Anglo-Indians</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">2.Parsees</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">3.Plains' tribesmen in Assam (other than Tea
Gardens' tribesmen)</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Group B- Population not more than 1 ? percent.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">4. Indian Christians</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">5. Sikhs</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Group - C consists of population exceeding 1 ?
percent.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">1. Muslims</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">According to 11 Judge Bench judgment of Apex Court
reported in AIR 2003 Supreme Court 355- T.M.A. Pai Foundation vs. State of
Karnataka, specifically defines minority:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"The word 'minority' is not defined in the
Constitution but literally it means 'a non-dominant'group. It is a relative;
term and is referred to, to represent the smaller of two numbers, sections or
group called; 'majority'. In that sense, here may be political minority,
religious minority, linguistic minority"</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The protection of minorities in our constitution
has been deal with by three Judge Bench judgment of the Apex Court (reported in
AIR 2005 SC 3172-Bal Patil and another vs. Union of India and others) in
paragraph 35, the Apex Court held that:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"The Commission instead of encouraging claims
from different communities for being added to a list of notified minorities
under the Act, should suggest ways and means to help create social conditions
where the list of notified minorities is gradually reduced and done away with
altogether.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Apex Court further held that -</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Encouragement to such fissiparous tendencies
would be a serious jolt to the secular structure of constitutional
democracy".</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">According to Census of 2001 submitted through the
affidavit of Mohd. Akram, Secretary of U.P. Commission for Minorities, Lucknow,
the regional proportion on the basis of census of U.P. , the total percentage
of different minorities communities are as follows: -</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muslims : 18.50</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Christians : 0.1</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sikh : 0.4</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Buddh : 0.2</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Jain : 0.1</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">It further appears from the religion proportion of
minorities of different districts of the State of U.P. on the basis of 2001
census.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">District Muslims Christians Sikhs Buddhists Jain</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Saharanpur 39.11 0.17 0.71 0.13 0.37</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Muzaffarnagar 39.09 0.09 0.54 0.07 0.49</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bijnor 41.71 0.11 1.56 0.11 0.08</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Moradabad 45.54 0.23 0.23 0.06 0.06</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Rampur 49.14 0.38 3.21 0.12 0.08</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Jyotiba Phule Nagar 39.38 0.28 0.37 0.02 0.04</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Meerut 32.55 0.25 0.88 0.09 0.63</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Baghpat 24.73 0.09 0.09 0.03 1.54</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Ghaziabad 23.79 0.27 0.64 0.10 0.36</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bulandshahr 21.07 0.13 0.16 0.07 0.05</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Budaun 21.33 0.11 0.09 0.16 0.02</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bareilly 33.89 0.26 0.80 0.20 0.02</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Pilibhit 23.75 0.11 4.59 0.11 0.01</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Lucknow 20.52 0.34 0.63 0.12 0.11</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Barabanki 22.04 0.08 0.12 0.09 0.11</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Bahraich 34.83 0.09 0.32 0.14 0.04</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Shrawasti 25.60 0.05 0.07 0.05 0.00</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Balrampur 36.72 0.08 0.08 0.18 0.01</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Siddharthnagar 29.43 0.06 0.06 0.39 0.00</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sant Kabir Nagar 24.02 0.05 0.04 0.27 0.00</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Considering the facts detailed above, learned
counsel for the parties are also required to assist the Court apart from other
points arises to be considered in this case whether list of minorities notified
by notification dated 23.10.93 could be reduced on the basis of latest census
report on population and strength of different minority communities to achieve
the goal under the constitution as held by Apex Court in Bal Patil and another
vs. Union of India and others case (supra).</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sri Yashwant Verma, learned advocate is appointed
as Amicus Curiae to assist the Court.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">On the request of learned counsel for the parties,
put up day after tomorrow for further arguments".</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">On 16.3.2007, the parties were again heard and a
detailed was passed. The copy of the order passed on 16.3.2007 is also
reproduced as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Chaudhary N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the
petitioners has been heard at great length.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">He urged that the Muslims were rightly recognised
as religious minority group as the population of Muslims is less than 50% in
comparison to the majority population in India. He relied upon judgments of
Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation v. State of Karnataka reported in AIR 2003
SC p. 355, P.A. Inamdar and others vs. State of Maharashtra and others case
reportedin 2005 (3) E.S.C. 373 and in Islamic Academy of Education and others
v.State of Karnataka and others case reported in (2003) 6 SCC,page 697 in
support of his case. He further urged that the Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Budhists,Jains,
Jews are minority in comparison to Hindus under the notification of the
Government of India dated 23.10.1993. He further urged that the calculation of
50% will be made on the basis of Hindu religion (the way of worship) and as
such the minority was determined in comparison with the Hindus.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The questions arise to be considered (i) what is
the Definition of Religion (ii) Whether Hindus are members of one religious or
identity or are a combination of various religious groups born and brought up in
India from time to time including Budhism, Janim,Araya Samajis, Brahm Samajis,
Lingayats, Shakts, Shaivs, Escons (Worshippers of Lord Krishna), Sikhism,
Kabirpanthis, followers of Shankaracharya, Rmanujacharyas and the group of
followers who are involved worship of Lord Krishna and Lord Rama and other
groups who perform different way of worship of the God in India.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The question further arises to be considered that
in case all the religions born and brought up in India could be considered
within Hinduism, then how the Government of India made notification declaring
Sikhism, Baudhism and Jainsims religious minority groups. If these groups are
treated as minority, rest of religion groups born and brought up in India if
taken separately may be treated in minority in comparison to Muslims at least
in Uttar Pradesh where the population of Muslims in Census is 18.6% and in some
District as mentioned in the order dated 14.3.2007 population ranges from 21%
to 49%. All these questions require consideration considering the historical
back ground where in the British Rule the census was made from 1851 up to 1941
on the basis of all religious groups separately and were never considered to be
part of one religion.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sri Sanjay Kumar Srivastava, learned counsel
appearing on behalf of petitioner-Phool Chand Yadav, Manager Bahuri Alp
Sankhyak Balika Inter College, Taruvanava, Patkhauli, District, Kushi Nagar in
connected Writ Petition No. 42265 of 2006 claiming himself to be minority
institution being Budhists urged that Budhist is a minority group on the basis
of population below 50%.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Chaudhary N.A. Khan counsel for the petitioners,
prays for and is granted to study the matter and argue the case on 21st March,
2007.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">As prayed, put up on 21st March, 2007.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">All the teachers and employees who are getting
salary shall be paid salary for the month March, 2007 payable in April,
2007."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The case was finally heard on 21.3.2007 and the
judgment was reserved.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Sri N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the
petitioners, Sri S.C. Dwivedi, learned counsel for Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6,Sri
Bhola Nath Yadav, learned Standing Counsel as well as Sri J.K. Tiwari, learned
Standing Counsel, appearing on behalf of the U.P. Muslim Minority Commission
and Sri Shashi Shekhar Tiwari, learned Standing Counsel for the Union of India,
National Commission for Minorities and Registrar General, Census, New Delhi
were heard at great length.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Though from the pleading of the parties, both the
parties claimed that they founded their institutions as religious minority
institutions and are entitled to be recognised for grant-in-aid, but the
questions arose to be considered who is minority, whether petitioners or Opp.
Parties nos. 4 to 6, who claim themselves as religious minority and whether
anybody who is claiming as religious Muslim minority could be recognised for
grant-in-aid by the State of Uttar Pradesh being religious minority and what
would be the basis for such recognition.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">All these parties have already filed their
respective affidavits, counter affidavits, rejoinder affidavits, in support of
their cases on merits as well as on the issues framed by this Court. Affidavits
have also been filed on behalf of the National Commission for Minorities and
Registrar General, Census. U.P. Minority Commission, Lucknow is also
represented through Jai Krishna Tewari, learned Standing Counsel. It is
surprising that such an important issue was involved and the hearing took place
on several dates and detailed orders were passed and all the parties were asked
to assist the Court. The learned Advocate General did not rendered any
assistance of any kind during such prolonged hearing of about three months. He
appeared before the Court only on 17.10.2006. On that date the case was
adjourned due to ailment of the learned counsel for the petitioners.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The competence of Court to try the questions of
public importance which arose in the case while hearing the case was also
challenged.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Though initially questions came up for
consideration was for grant-in-aid of petitioners' Madarsa being founded by
religious Muslim Minority, but during the course of hearing some important
questions/matters arose and as such issues were framed on those questions and
all the concerned parties were heard on the questions whether the Court is
competent to decide the issue of public importance which arose in a case where
initially the matter in issue was in the nature of private dispute.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">I have gone through the judgment of the Apex Court
reported in 2003 (7) SCC 546, Guruvayoor Devaswom Managing Committee and
another v. C.K. Rajan and others and I am of the view that according to the law
laid down by the Apex Court in this judgment, the Court can try this issue.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In the judgment of Guruvayoor Devaswom Managing
Committee and another Vs. C.K. Rajan and others (supra), the Apex Court
observed as follows:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">VIII. However, in an appropriate case, although
the petitioner might have moved a court in his private interest and for
Redressal of personal grievances, the court in furtherance of the public
interest may treat it necessary to enquire into the state of affairs of the
subject of litigation in the interest of justice. (See Shivajirao Nilangekar
Patil Vs. Dr. mahest Madhav Gosavi).</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">This view was further reiterated by the Apex Court
in (2005) 5 SCC 298, Ashok Lanka and another vs. Rishi Dixit and others,
relevant paragraph 42 of which is being quoted below:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"Furthermore it is well settled that even in
a case where a petitioner might have moved the Court in his private interest
and for redressal of personal grievances, the Court in furtherance of the
public interest may treat it necessary to enquire into the state of affairs of
the subject of litigation in the interest of justice (see Guruyayoo Devaswom
Managing Committee v. C.K. Rajan, SCC para 50 and Prahlad Singh versus Col.
Sukhdev Singh (1987) 1 SCC 727)."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">The same view was again settled by the Apex Court
in AIR 2003 SC 4531, General Manager, Kisan Sahkari Chini Mills Limited,
Sultanpur, U.P. versus Satrughna Nishad. Again similar matter came up for
consideration before this Court in 2006 (4) A.D.J. 106 (All.) (Full Bench), Suo
Moto Action Taken by the Court Versus I.C.I.CI. Bank Ltd. Allahabad and others.
The Division Bench of this Court dealing with the habeas corpus petition framed
certain issues of public importance involved in the case and referred the
matter to Hon. The Chief Justice to register as P.I.L. to be decided by the
appropriate court. The Chief Justice, Allahabad High Court, treating it as a
Public Interest Litigation constituted a Full Bench. The Full Bench considering
the case of Ashok Lanka and another (Supra) held that it was within the domain
of the Court even to enquire the facts of public importance suo moto if
exigency so requires and the matter was returned to the same Bench to decide the
issue of public importance.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In view of the law laid down by the Apex Court as
well as by this Court, the Court is of the view that this Court is fully
competent to enquire into the matter of public importance whether the Madarsas
founded by the Muslims Minority community could be recognized as Minority
institutions and they are entitled to get grant-in-aid as minority institution
founded by the religious minority community and other related questions which
are germane to the issues are involved in the present case.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Further in view of the law laid down by the Apex
Court in (1998) 1 SCC 1, State of Rajasthan versus Prakash Chand and others,
2001 (4) AWC 2688, Prof. Y.C. Simhadri, Vice Chancellor, B.H.U. and others
versus Deen Bandhu Pathak, Student and 2001 (1) AWC 383, Chandra Bhushan Tewari
versus State of U.P. and others, as this Bench was allocated the work to decide
matters relating to Education it had the jurisdiction to decide the case.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">On 3.11.2006, this Court was allocated
jurisdiction to deal with the education matters and the case was listed before
the Court by the order of Hon. The Chief Justice. Since the hearing was
continuing, this Court heard parties' arguments to decide the case and
questions arise to be considered.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">Further, the question whether Muslims constitute
religious minorities in India, though initially did not arise, but arose during
the course of hearing as parties are claiming minority status being Muslim,
could be decided by the Court by framing issues. The law is well settled in the
case of State of U.P. and another Vs. Satya Narain Kapoor (Dead by Lrs. And
others (2004) 8 Supreme Court Cases 630. Relevant paragraph of the case is
quoted below:</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">"We are not doubting the jurisdiction of the
High Court to take cognizance of an issue wherein the element of public
interest is involved and to take up and entertain the same as public interest
litigation and pronounce upon such issues exercising the jurisdiction which the
Constitution does vest in the High Court but that has to be done by following
the established rules of practice and procedure consistently with the rules of
natural justice. The High Court, if convinced, should have framed specific
issues with which it proposed to deal with in public interest and then should
have put the State on specific notice inviting its pleadings and documents. Any
other party likely to be adversely affected and interested in being heard may
have been allowed the opportunity of doing so. A larger issue involving public
interest and far-reaching implications should not have been dealt with so
lightly, casually and hurriedly as the High Court has done".</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span><br />
<br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span">In view of undisputed facts and claim about Muslim
Religious minority, the Court framed questions and issued notices to afford
opportunities to the State of U.P., National Minority Commission, U.P. Minority
Commission, Union of India and the Registrar General, Census and opposite
parties no. 4 to 6. Full opportunity of hearing was given from 3.11.2006 to
21.3.2007.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></span></div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-1823874725515695192013-09-05T04:59:00.000-07:002013-09-05T04:59:06.615-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 2<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span class="apple-style-span"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Reserved</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US"><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Court No.19</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Civil Misc. Writ Petition No.34892 of 2004</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Committee of Management,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam Dehra Kalan,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Ghazipur through its Manager &
others.......................Petitioners</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Vs.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">State of U.P. Through Secretary,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Minority Welfare and Waqf Department,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">U.P., Lucknow and
others..........................................Respondents</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Hon. S.N. Srivastava, J.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><br />
<br />
</span><br />
<div style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">By way of this writ petition, the petitioner No.
1- Committee of Management of Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam Dehra Kalan,
Ghazipur (hereinafter referred to as the 'Madarsa'), and the petitioner No. 2,
is the Manager of the Madarsa, pray for quashing the impugned order dated
17.5.2004 passed by the State of U.P., recognzing 67 Madarsas for grant-in-aid.
They further prayed for to issue a writ of mandamus commanding the State of
U.P. to recognise the petitioners' Madarsa for Grant-in-Aid and any other
further suitable relief which this Court deems proper.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 15px; line-height: 17px;"><br /></span></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">In the year 1995-96, out of 204 Madarsas which
were founded and recognized by the Muslims minority were recommended for
grant-in-aid, out of which 68 Madarsas were recognized for grant-in-aid. By an
order dated 17.5.2004, 67 other remaining Madarsas were again recognised for
grant-in-aid. In 2006 out of remaining 66, 32 Madarsas were recognised for
grant-in-aid. The grievance of the petitioners is that though petitioners'
Madarsa was also founded by Muslim religion minority and was permanently
recognised altogether, but the State of U.P. refused this for grant-in-aid,
though it fully satisfies all the norms. It was further pleaded by the
petitioners that the opposite parties no. 4 to 6 are such Madarsas which do not
satisfy the criteria for recognition for grant-in-aid and are private Madarsa
in which all the family members of the Manager are teachers and employees and
other requirements are also not satisfied. It was further pleaded that though
the Madarsa at Sl. Nos. 12, 13, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 29 and 29 in the list of
recognised minority institutions for Grant-in-Aid are also founded by the
Muslim minority but they also did not fulfil any norms, but were wrongly
recognised for grant-in-aid, ignoring the petitioners' Madarsa.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Learned counsel for the parties were heard on
3.11.2006 and the matter was placed on 7.11.2006 for further hearing. During
the course of the arguments certain questions relating to minority arose. As
the petitioners and the opposite parties no. 4 to 6 were claiming themselves as
minority institutions founded by the Muslim religion minority notified under
Section 2(c) of the National Minority Commission Act, 1992 by Notification
dated 23.10.1993, the question arose to be considered what is the definition of
Minority and who could be recognised as religious minority and its criteria for
recognition. This Court by a detailed order dated 18.12.2006 framed certain
issues and also issued notices to the Union of India, Registrar General,
Census, New Delhi and National Commission for Minority, New Delhi. The order
dated 18.12.2006 passed by this Court is being reproduced as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"Sri N.A. Khan, learned counsel for
petitioner states that petitioner has moved an application on 23rd November,
2006 to the competent authority, but no communication has been made so far to
from the competent authority as to the order passed on the application.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">On the other hand, Sri S.C. Dwivedi, learned
counsel representing opp. Parties, states that for the purpose of determining
whether petitioner is an minority institution and is entitled to inclusion as
such in the list of aided institutions, a Committee has been constituted and an
enquiry in this regard is going on about all the Institution which are claiming
grant-in-aid as minority institutions. As petitioner and other Institutions are
claiming benefit of Minority Institutions being a group of Muslim community and
a similar controversy is also involved in Writ Petition No. 42265 of 2006, this
writ petition is also connected with Writ Petition No. 42265 of 2006.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">In Writ Petition No. 42265 of 2006, this Court on
11th December, 2006 has framed certain issues, which are as under:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(i) What is the definition of minority?</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(ii) Who could be recognized as a member of
minority religion and what would be the criteria for recognizing minority?,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(iii) Whether minority could be recognized at
national level, provincial level or at regional level? and</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">1.Whether a community having more than 5% of the
total population in the country could be recognized as minority?"</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Learned Standing Counsel referred judgment of the
Apex Court reported in AIR 2003 SC, p. 355, T.M.A. Pai Foundation V. State of
Karnataka. He also placed before me another case law of the Apex Court reported
in AIR 2005 S.C., 3172, Bal Patil and another V. Union of India and others,
Paragraph 34 of which makes it clear that every group in India is minority.
Paragraph 10,11 and 34 of the judgment of the Apex Court are being reproduced
below:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"10. The expression 'minority' has been used
in Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution but it has nowhere been defined. The
Preamble of the Constitution proclaims to guarantee every citizen 'liberty of
thought, expression, belief, faith and worship'. Group of Articles 25 to 30
guarantee protection of religious, cultural and educational rights to both
majority and minority communities. It appears that keeping in view the
constitutional guarantee for protection of cultural, educational and religious
rights of all citizens, it was not felt necessary to define 'minority'. Minority
as understood from constitutional scheme signifies an identifiable group of
people or community who were seen as deserving protection from likely
deprivation of their rights by other communities who happen to be in majority
and likely to grain political power in a democratic form of Government based on
election.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">11. In the back ground of constitutional scheme,
the provisions of the Act therefore instead of giving definition of 'minority'
only provide for notifying certain communities as 'minorities' who might
require special treatment and protection of their religious, cultural and
educational rights. The definition of 'minority' given under the Act in section
2(c) is in fact not a definition as such but only a provision enabling the
Central Government to identify a community as a 'minority' which in the
considered opinion of the Central Government deserves to be notified for the
purpose of protecting and monitoring its progress and development through the
Commission.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">34. The above-mentioned constitutional goal has to
be kept in view by the Minorities Commissions set up at the Central or State
levels. Commissions set up for minorities have to direct their activities to
maintain integrity and unity of India by gradually eliminating the minority and
majority classes. It, only on the basis of a different religious thought or
less numerical strength or lack of health, wealth, education, power or social
rights, a claim of a section of Indian society to the status of minority is
considered and conceded, there would be no end to such claims in a society as
multi-religious and multi-linguistic as India is. A claim by one group of
citizens would lead to a similar claim by another group of citizens and
conflict and strife would ensue. As such, the Hindu society being based on
caste, is itself divided into various minority groups. Each caste claims to be
separate from the other. In a caste-ridden Indian society, no section or
distinct group of people can claim to be in majority. All are minorities
amongst Hindus. Many of them claim such status because of their small number
and expect protection from the State on the ground that they are backward. If
each minority group feels afraid of the other group, an atmosphere of mutual
fear and distrust would be created posing serious threat to the integrity of
our Nation. That would sow seeds of multi-nationalism in India. It is,
therefore, necessary that Minority Commission should act in a manner so as to
prevent generating feelings of multinationalism in various sections of people
of Bharat."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">In view of the judgment of the Apex Court, the
question arises whether there is any such identifiable group of people or
community who were seen as deserving protection from likely deprivation of
their rights by other communities who happen to be in majority and likely to
gain political power in a democratic form of Government based on election.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">As held by the Apex Court that the concept of
minority was introduced to given protection to some groups from likely
deprivation of rights of minority by other communities who happen to be in
majority and likely to grain power in democratic form of the Government,
whether at present there is any such likelihood of deprivation of any group or
minority and they are entitled to get protection under Articles 25 to 30 of the
Constitution of India and whether under such protection any institution
instituted and founded by any minority group, including petitioner, is entitled
to get benefit under the Constitution of India. The question further arises to
be considered is that if this was the intention of the Constituent Assembly to
make provision of Articles 25 to 30 of the Constitution of India due to feeling
of afraid atmosphere, mutual fear and distrust which was created at the time of
partition of the country which has already come to an end, any such protection
will not create sow seeds of multinationalism in India. In order to consider
all these questions, this Court also considers it appropriate to implead Union
of India, through Secretary, Ministry of Home, New Delhi, National Commission
for Minority of India, New Delhi through its Chairman and the Registrar
General, Census Department, New Delhi. They shall also file their respective
affidavits along with such materials as mentioned in the order dated 11th
December, 2006 and also to the following facts.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(i) What was the total number of population of
India on the date the Constitution of India came into existence,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(ii) The total population of all the minority
communities including Budhist Muslims and Christians etc. on the date the
Constitution of India came into force.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(iii) What is the total population of minority
communities in the latest census of 2001.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(iv) In case Census was conducted as regard the
other minority groups on the caste basis, the details of the same shall also be
produced and</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">(v) The Government of India shall also produce
before the Court report of the Justice Sachchar Committee which according to
learned Standing Counsel is also relevant in the matter.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Dr. Asho Nigam, learnd Additional Solicitor
General of India has accepted notice on behalf of Secretary, Ministry of Home,
New Delhi and Registrar General Census Department, New Delhi.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Let notices be issued by the Registry of this
Court to National Commission for Minority, New Delhi through its Chairman.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The State of U.P. shall also file counter
affidavit on the facts stated above.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Put up on 22nd January, 2007 for further
arguments.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Registry is directed to serve certified copies of
this order to Dr. Ashok Nigam, learned Additional Solicitor General of India,
learned Chief Standing Counsel, State of Uttar Pradesh and learned counsel for
the petitioner within three days. Registry is also directed to send certified
copy of this order along with the notice to National Commission for Minority,
New Delhi through its Chairman within a week."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">The case was again heard on 22.1.2007 and on
28.2.2007 and this Court passed the following orders.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">22.1.2007</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"Sri Ch. N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the
petitioners states that petitioners' application has not been decided so far.
He has made certain allegations. He prays for and is granted upto 29th January,
2007 to file supplementary affidavit making specific allegation, if any.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Put up this petition on 31.1.2007.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">By an order dated 18.12.2006, Registry was
directed to serve copy of order to Dr. Ashok Nigam, learned Additional
Solicitor General of India on behalf of Secretary, Ministry of Home, New Delhi
and Registrar General Census Department, New Delhi and notices were issued to
National Commission for Minority, New Delhi through its Chairman.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">From perusal of report dated 21.12.2006 it
transpires that order was received by Additional Solicitor General of India and
a copy was sent to National Commission for Minority, New Delhi through Chairman,
but Registry has not submitted report of compliance while impleading all
necessary parties in the writ petition.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">List this case on 31.1.2007 showing the name of
Dr. Ashok Nigam, learned Additional Solicitor General of India along with
counsels for other opposite parties.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Registry will also explain why it has not
impleaded opposite parties as directed by this Court dated 18.12.2006 and
submit compliance report by 25th January, 2007 in Chambers.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Learned counsel for Central Government has not
filed any affidavit in compliance to the order passed by this Court on
18.12.2006.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Copy of this order shall be made available to Sri
Bhola Nath Yadav, learned Standing Counsel as well as learned counsel for the
Central Government.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">28.2.2007</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Sri Shashi Shekhar Tiwari, learned counsel for
Union of India has filed affidavits of Sri R.S. Meena, Assistant Director of
Census Operations, Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow and Sri Puranjay Sharma, Legal
Officer in National Commission for Minorities, 5th Floor, Lok Nayak Bhawan,
Khan Market, New Delhi giving details of census report of 1951 and 2001 as well
as Notification dated 23.10.1993 under clause (c) of Section 2 of the National
Commission for Minorities Act, 1992 same are taken on record. Sri Ch. N.A.
Khan, learned counsel for petitioner may file rejoinder affidavit, if any, by
that date.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Dr. Ashok Niam, learned Additional Solicitor
General assisted by Sri S.S. Tiwari,Advocate, prayed for some more time to
furnish remaining information as directed by earlier order.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">U.P. State Minorities Commission represented by
Sri J.K. Tiwari, who has filed Vakalatnama today, is impleaded as opposite
party no. 10.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">As prayed, put up this case on 14.3.2007.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Let copy of this order be issued by the Registry
to Sri Shashi Shekhar Tiwari, learned counsel for the Union of India, Sri J.K.
Tiwari, learned counsel for the State and learned counsel for the petitioner
within 3 days."</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">After hearing the parties and on perusal of the
record a detailed order was passed on 14.2.2007. Order dated 14.3.2007 runs as
follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">"Heard learned counsel for the parties.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">Parties are claiming certain rights as being
muslim minority to run minority institution on grant-in-aid. In the connected
case, Bahuri Alp Sankhyak Balika Inter College one Phool Chand Yadav claiming
himself as Buddhist, praying for recognising a minority institution. Several
questions were framed by an order dated 18.12.2006 about definition and
recognition of minority group under the Constitution of India. It was brought
to the notice of this Court that a notification dated 23.10.93 was issued by
Government of India recognising Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jain and
Parsees as minorities.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;">It was also brought to the notice of this Court
that that Constituent Assembly debates make it clear that minorities were
recognised according to their strength and their population. Above minorities
were divided in 3 groups i.e. A, B, and C as mentioned in the schedule prepared
by a Committee on Minority Rights. Besides that, Buddhists were not recognised
as minority by Constituent Assemply.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></div>
</span>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-30125443330017912772013-09-05T04:53:00.000-07:002013-09-05T04:53:23.467-07:00ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;">
<span class="apple-style-span"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD</span></b></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span></b></span><span lang="EN-US"><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Reserved</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Court No.19</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Civil Misc. Writ Petition No.34892 of 2004</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Committee of Management,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam Dehra Kalan,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Ghazipur through its Manager &
others.......................Petitioners</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Vs.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">State of U.P. Through Secretary,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Minority Welfare and Waqf Department,</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">U.P., Lucknow and
others..........................................Respondents</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
<br /><br />
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Hon. S.N. Srivastava, J.</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"> </span><br />
</span></div>
<div style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">Since I have been scheduled to sit at Lucknow
Bench of this Court from 9th April, 2007, I consider it appropriate to
pronounce operative part of the judgment of the writ petition. This operative
part of the judgment shall be followed by the rest judgment.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">For the reasons to be detailed in the body of the
judgment of the writ petition, writ petition succeeds and is allowed. The
impugned order dated 17.5.2004, passed by the State of Uttar Pradesh
recognising Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 on Grant-in-Aid as religious Muslim minority
institutions is quashed and it is held that any institution founded by
petitioners or Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 are not entitled to be recognised for
Grant-in-Aid as religious minority institutions in the State of Uttar Pradesh
after applying twin criteria, i.e., population and strength of a religious
community as laid down by the founding fathers of the Constitution of India as
is clear from proceedings of Constituent Assembly to determine any religious
community as a religious minority. The Court finds that Muslims have ceased to
be a religious minority community in the State of Uttar Pradesh on
consideration of the materials on record which includes various Census Reports
including Census Reports of 1951 and 2001 and, therefore, directs State of
Uttar Pradesh to treat any member of Muslim community equal to other
non-minority religious communities without discriminating in any respect in
accordance with law being an integral part of citizenry of India</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(i) A writ in the nature of mandamus is issued
commanding State of Uttar Pradesh to consider Applications of petitioners and
Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 or other Applications of other institutions founded by
Muslim community for recognition on Grant-in-Aid in the similarly situated
manner as other non-minority institutions are being dealt with in accordance
with law without any discrimination.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(ii) A writ of mandamus is also issued to Union of
India and the State of Uttar Pradesh to take appropriate steps to modify the
notification dated 23.10.1993 issued by the Union of India accordingly.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">(iii) A writ of mandamus is further issued
commanding the Chief Secretary, Uttar Pradesh to initiate an enquiry into the
serious allegations of corruption made by petitioners in Paragraphs 9 and 10 of
the Supplementary Affidavit dated 1.2.2007 filed by Zulfikar Ahmad, Manager, Anjuman
Madarsa Noorul Islam Dehra Kalan, Ghazipur, which runs as follows:-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">"9. That to the utter surprise the respondent
in collusion particularly the Secretary Sri Chandra Prakash by taking illegal
gratification of Rs.5 lacs has taken certain more institutions on grant
including Madarsa Khanam Zan of Varanasi and Madarsa Ahle Sunnat Ateequia
Gonda.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">10. That same demand is being done in respect of
Petitioners institution as well and demand of Rs. 8 lacs is being done in
respect of other newly prepared 100 institutions vide G.O. Dated...whereas the
consideration of Madrsa recognised in year 1996 is being harass that its case
was refused on basis of delay vide order .......The copies of order cancelling
the Madrsa taken on grant amongst 67 and allotment of fresh Madarsa at its
place vide order dated 13.12.06 are also being annexed as.....to this affidavit
along with copy of order of this High Court...."</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">The enquiry shall be made for orders passed
recognising the institutions for Grant-in-Aid from the year 2003 upto now. Such
enquiry shall be conducted by an Officer not below the rank of Principal
Secretary which shall be completed within three months' from the presentation
of a certified copy of this order and further action shall be taken
accordingly.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">There shall be no order as to cost.</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">5.4.2007</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span>
<span class="apple-style-span" style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="apple-style-span">bgs/-</span><span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></div>
</span></div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-19835494665944340292012-12-14T07:58:00.001-08:002012-12-14T07:58:42.889-08:00O P Gupta (IFS) on Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill Organised By CARRIED research center of SAMARTH Trust.<object width="640" height="480"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/D1CCg_jOlrM?version=3&hl=en_GB"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/D1CCg_jOlrM?version=3&hl=en_GB" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" width="640" height="480" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true"></embed></object>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-2731752967786436682012-12-13T22:44:00.000-08:002012-12-14T08:00:41.363-08:00Justice Mandagadde Rama Jois on Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence Bill Organised By CARRIED research center of SAMARTH Trust.<object width="640" height="480"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/UFT0VLWIDW4?version=3&hl=en_GB"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/UFT0VLWIDW4?version=3&hl=en_GB" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" width="640" height="480" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true"></embed></object>Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-1864872520753026282012-09-05T00:16:00.000-07:002012-09-05T00:16:57.619-07:00भारत में हिंदू भी अल्पसंख्यक<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicX541mcebZ6CvXKaovr33wQg3PMv1INEm5k8e8a-koRpqw-Tp7MpE2ynycI-21brO6kSY9vg0EYtn_e2ZKPm8W_Jgm7mnOYCGCrcvAYxzPbSDbHvBpMhtIuLJw2lP3BAgxd8wQMsuZfk/s1600/GRID+-+DJ+DL+5-9-12+Hindu+Shashi+Tharoor.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEicX541mcebZ6CvXKaovr33wQg3PMv1INEm5k8e8a-koRpqw-Tp7MpE2ynycI-21brO6kSY9vg0EYtn_e2ZKPm8W_Jgm7mnOYCGCrcvAYxzPbSDbHvBpMhtIuLJw2lP3BAgxd8wQMsuZfk/s1600/GRID+-+DJ+DL+5-9-12+Hindu+Shashi+Tharoor.jpg" /></a></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-14670630371253321192012-08-29T02:39:00.004-07:002012-08-29T02:47:39.550-07:00DON’T WASTE TIME ON KASAB MERCY PETITION<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-font-family: Mangal; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">
</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-font-family: Mangal; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-font-family: Mangal; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;">After
Supreme Court Order on the 26/11 jihadi terrorist Kasab Every Indian needs to
send his view to </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: large;"></span><br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;">Honourable
President of India Shri Pranab Mukherjee Ji</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: large;"></span><br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;"> </span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<span style="background: yellow; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;">DON’T WASTE TIME ON KASAB'S MERCY PETITION!!!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: large;"></span><br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;">Every
Indian must send a postcard to the President of India</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;">and
write your name in the Comment Box of this appeal.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: large;"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"><span style="font-size: large;"> </span><a href="http://pctvbill.blogspot.in/#!/2012/08/DONT-WASTE-TIME-ON-KASAB-MERCY-PETITION.html"><span style="font-size: large;">http://pctvbill.blogspot.in/#!/2012/08/DONT-WASTE-TIME-ON-KASAB-MERCY-PETITION.html</span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"></span><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif";"></span><span style="font-size: large;"> </span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;">The
counter will show the numbers of how many Indians want the jihadi killer Kasab
to be hanged very soon.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: large;"></span><br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Write that you expect the
President of India to reject this jihadi killer's mercy petition, by Postcard.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: left;">
<span style="font-size: large;"></span><br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<span style="background: yellow; font-family: "Georgia","serif"; font-size: large;">Send more than 10 Crore postcards to the Honourable
President of India Shri Pranab Mukehrjee Ji</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: large;">
</span></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: large;">
</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-font-family: Mangal; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
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<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-font-family: Mangal; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-font-family: Mangal; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"> </span><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgL8iUn_utmhVtppn-eljUShb7IA_ZsBGNbneMiwPgnGbn9KqOjDbahFi7bvMlw-2Smz-3wDqVn15d29-s0VgeuUsjZ7SS-IEG6ypKbXojr3ZNccJteAgH7znDH2ooY1VUKHZV_ImyWIYk/s1600/Postcard+1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="416" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgL8iUn_utmhVtppn-eljUShb7IA_ZsBGNbneMiwPgnGbn9KqOjDbahFi7bvMlw-2Smz-3wDqVn15d29-s0VgeuUsjZ7SS-IEG6ypKbXojr3ZNccJteAgH7znDH2ooY1VUKHZV_ImyWIYk/s640/Postcard+1.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
Appeal by</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<strong>SAMARTH trust</strong></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
Post Box No 7312</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
Sriniwaspuri, New Delhi 10065</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<a href="mailto:nr.carried@gmail.com">nr.carried@gmail.com</a></div>
</div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-9503892814459114512012-08-24T00:42:00.000-07:002012-08-24T00:42:23.192-07:00Congress & UPA Parties Make All Hindus Presumptive Criminals<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Comments on Prevention of Communal
and Targeted Violence Bill (PCTV)<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 18pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">WARNING INDIA IN DANGER IF THIS BILL
IS PASSED </span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">HINDUS WILL BE TREATED AS CRIMINALS WORLD WIDE</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-outline-level: 1; text-align: center;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"></span></b> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-outline-level: 1; text-align: center;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">By OP Gupta <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Former </span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-IN; mso-bidi-language: HI; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">Ambassador to Finland,
Estonia, Tunisia & other 4 countries</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="background: black; color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-highlight: black;">KEY</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="background: black; color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-highlight: black;"> POINTS</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: white; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p> </o:p></span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">A Hindu against whom any
Muslim/Christian/minority make any Complaint shall be presumed in law to be
guilty by Police & Courts till that Hindu proves his innocence (Sec70, 71
& 73)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">An accused Hindu Shall have to be
immediately arrested as all offences under this bill are non-bailable &
cognizable (Sec 56)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">3.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">This law can be invoked only by a
minority against Hindus.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">Accused Hindu shall not be informed who
has complained against him (Sec 38) but police has to inform complainant
progress of the case.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">A minority is not required to give any
evidence to support his complaints against Hindus (Sec 70, 71 & 72)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">A Hindu refusing to do business with
any minority shall be immediately arrested [Sec 3 (f) (i)]. Taking advantage of
such anti – Hindu laws a minority can force a Hindu to sell /rent his property
and even surrender his daughters to minorities.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.25in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7.<span style="font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font: 7pt/normal "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span></b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;">A minority cannot be punished for
making even false complaints/ statement against Hindus (Sec 40)</span><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-IN;"><o:p></o:p></span></b> </div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The
PCTV Bill (56 pages) is <b>based on presumption that all Hindus are criminals</b>
and <b>communal riots are always committed only by Hindus</b> and never by
minorities. This law can be invoked only against Hindus by minorities. Muslims,
Christians called <b>“the Group” in the bill (sec 3.e).</b> If they commit
violence and hate against Hindus they cannot be booked under this new law as
they are exempt from it even though Hindus practice “ahimsa parmodharma” – non
violence is the highest religion as preached by Budha, Mahveer and Gandhi.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Under
the PCTV Bill a Hindu against whom a Muslim including a Bangaladeshi Muslim
infiltrator, a jehadi terrorist Muslim or a Christian or any minority makes a
complaint he shall be presumed ab initio to be guilty of crimes; that Hindu
shall have to be arrested as all crimes under this Bill are cognizable and non-bailable
[Clause 56 of may 2011 version]; that <b>Hindu shall have to prove his
innocence</b> before a Court;<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that the <b>Muslim
or Christian making complaint is not required to give any proof or evidence to
support</b> charge against that Hindu; that Hindu shall not be informed
as to who has made complaint against him [Section 38]; during the pendency of
the case the court can attach property of the accused Hindu even before he is
found guilty [Sec 80, 81]. <b>After this bill is passed any donation for
religious charity made by a Hindu industrialist will invite great penalty and
legal action against him</b>. It is worst than Nazi Germany. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">If
a <b>minority woman complains of rape against a Hindu, he shall be arrested and
he shall have to prove that charge against him is false and that Hindu will not
know which woman has made complaint.</b> But if a Hindu woman is raped by a
minority male then she has to prove charge of rape against that Muslim etc and
her identity shall be told to her rapist. (Ind. Exp. 12.1.12) <b>Arun Jaitly,
Mamta Banarjee, Jailalita and Mayawati </b>says that congress wants to
establish its dictatorship through this bill. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Taking advantage of this bill a </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">religious
minority can force a Hindu to sell his property to him or rent his property to
him; can force a Hindu to write off debts a minority owes to him</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. If a
Hindu landlord evicts his Muslim tenant than he can be sent to jail by a false
complaint of that tenant. If a </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hindu factory owner suspends a
Muslim employee for bad work he can be sent to jail by a false complaint</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> of that
employee in which no proof required. If a </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Muslim applies for a job the Hindu
industrialist cannot refuse him</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. A minority can blackmail a Hindu industrialist and
collect lacs of rupees from him. This bill will encourage Terrorist elements
and pave the ground for Civil War in India. </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This is Anti-national, Anti-secular,
Anti-Harmony, Anti- Democracy, Anti-Constitution, Anti-People and Anti Business</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. This
bill is a violation of human rights of 95 crore Hindu hence we should appeal to
the United Nations. Yet Mulayam Singh is supporting this will.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This
Bill if enacted as a law shall give a legal weapon to every minority to send to
jail for 10 years or more any Hindu. (Indian Express 12/1/12) The question
arises why there is so much hatred against peace loving innocent Hindus. All
this is because there is<b> Muslim unity (Muslim Vote Bank) but No Hindu unity
(Hindu Vote Bank).</b> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Congress
should pass this bill because this bill will create permanent hatred between
majority and minorities, damaging the future of minorities. Hindus always
desire the prosperity of Muslims through mutual cooperation resulting in real
peace and prosperity of the country hence majority and minority should unite to
throw away the conspiracy of this anti national bill. Muslim who has renounced
religious hatred and violence is our dear brother. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Many minority institutions including Jemait-e-Ulema Hind are
forcing congress for passing this bill. Hence congress will pass this bill
saliently to win 2014 election with Muslim votes. Gulam Navi Azad said that
govt. is committed to pass this bill. </span></b></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></b> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">All
India Protest had started under the guidance of eminent persons like
Subramanian Swami and many others.<b> Muslims are rising because they get
unlimited fund, Hindus are shrinking because they don’t get any funds</b>.
Please join us and donate only this can protect your/our children and grand
children. For Donation call 9313103060<b>. </b><a href="mailto:nr.carried@gmail.com"><span style="color: blue;">nr.carried@gmail.com</span></a>, <a href="http://www.nac.nic.in/"><span style="color: blue;">www.nac.nic.in</span></a> (Govt. Site). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 13pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span> </div>
</div>
Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-76308785892185079152012-08-22T21:29:00.000-07:002012-08-22T21:31:37.925-07:00असम समस्या की जड़<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtr48AhxkYyLWoNE-HzLgzjTsW5LUL9PGoGCYokqQXHZuBNR6PDjcsTcgW7mjF0G8T-YmirzEU_4FwNDwDfApY-zI0l-laTYrL0wViAZsxeJtVshcLxoOsnJWRIv1T0ucktrV9mCcERvQ/s1600/GRID+-+DJ+-+23-8-2012.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjtr48AhxkYyLWoNE-HzLgzjTsW5LUL9PGoGCYokqQXHZuBNR6PDjcsTcgW7mjF0G8T-YmirzEU_4FwNDwDfApY-zI0l-laTYrL0wViAZsxeJtVshcLxoOsnJWRIv1T0ucktrV9mCcERvQ/s1600/GRID+-+DJ+-+23-8-2012.jpg" /></a></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-25857587178980062922012-08-22T08:07:00.000-07:002012-08-22T22:49:15.501-07:00चेतावनी − यदि यह विधेयक पारित हुआ तो पूरे संसार में हिन्दुओं के साथ अपराधियों जैसा व्यवहार किया जाएगा<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 18px; margin: 0px; orphans: 2; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">
<b><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">साम्प्रदायिक एवं लक्ष्य की हुई हिंसा विधेयक (पीसीटीवी) पर टिप्पणियां</span></b><u></u><u></u></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 18px; margin: 0px; orphans: 2; text-align: center; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">
<b><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">चेतावनी − यदि यह विधेयक पारित हुआ तो पूरे संसार में हिन्दुओं के साथ अपराधियों जैसा व्यवहार किया जाएगा</span></b><u></u><u></u></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="-webkit-text-size-adjust: auto; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 18px; margin: 0px; orphans: 2; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">
<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">ओमप्रकाश गुप्ता</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">पूर्वराजदूत</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">फिनलैण्ड</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">एस्टोनिया</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">ट्यूनीशिया और चार अन्य देशों में भारत के राजदूत</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">पीसीटीवी विधेयक(</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">56</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>पृष्ठ) इस मान्यता पर आधारित है कि हिन्दू अपराधी हैं और साम्प्रदायिक दंगे केवल हिन्दू ही करते हैं। अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय दंगे बिलकुल नहीं करते। इस प्रस्तावित कानून का इस्तेमाल सिर्फ हिन्दुओं के खिलाफ अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय के लोगों द्वारा किया जा सकता है। इस विधेयक की धारा-</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">3</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>में<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">“</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">समूह</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">” (</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">ग्रुप) का उल्लेख है</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">इसमें मुसलमान व ईसाई को सम्मिलित किया गया है। यदि<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">“</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">समूह</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">” (</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">अल्पसंख्यक मुसलमान एवं ईसाई) हिन्दुओं के खिलाफ नफरत या हिंसा करेंगे</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">तो इस नए कानून के अन्तर्गत उनके खिलाफ कोई कार्रवाई नहीं की जा सकती</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">क्योंकि उन्हें इस कानून से पूरी छूट है। ध्यान दें इस लक्षित हिंसा विधेयक का निशाना वो हिंदू समाज है जो विश्व का सबसे सभ्य और शान्तिपूर्ण समाज है और<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">“</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">अहिंसा परमो धर्मः</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">”<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">को ही अपना जीवन धर्म मानता है</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">जिसका प्रचार बुद्ध</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">महावीर और गांधी ने भी किया है।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">इस कानून के अन्तर्गत यदि हिन्दू के खिलाफ बांग्लादेशी आतंकवादी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">घुसपैठिए</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">जिहादी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">पाकिस्तानी या किसी मुसलमान या ईसाई ने किसी भी प्रकार की झूठी शिकायत कर दी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">तो उस हिन्दू की तुरंत गिरफ्तारी (धारा<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">56,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">मई<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">2011</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>संस्करण) की जाएगी। जमानत भी नहीं होगी। उसके खिलाफ आरोप लगाने वाले को कोई सबूत पेश करने की जरूरत नहीं होगी। उस गिरफ्तार हिन्दू को अदालत के सामने अपनी बेगुनाही का सबूत पेश करना होगा। और उस हिन्दू को यह भी नहीं बताया जाएगा कि उसके खिलाफ किसने शिकायत (धारा<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">38)<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">दर्ज की है। मामले की सुनवाई के दौरान अदालत उस हिन्दू की सम्पत्ति भी जब्त (धारा<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">80</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>व<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">81)<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">कर सकती है! यह तो औरंगजेब की हुकूमत से भी अधिक अत्याचारी कानून है।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">यदि अल्पसंख्यक मुसलमान या ईसाई महिला ने किसी हिन्दू के खिलाफ बलात्कार या उत्पीड़न का आरोप लगा दिया तो उस हिन्दू की गिरफ्तारी तुरन्त हो जाएगी। उस हिन्दू को यह तक नहीं बताया जाएगा कि उसने किस महिला के साथ बलात्कार या उत्पीड़न किया है और किसने उसके खिलाफ शिकायत की है। उस हिन्दू को ही यह साबित करना होगा कि किसी अज्ञात महिला से उसने बलात्कार या उत्पीड़न नहीं किया है और यह आरोप झूठा है।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">इसके विपरीत यदि किसी हिन्दू महिला पर अल्पसंख्यक ने बलात्कार किया तो यह साबित करना उस बलात्कार की शिकार हिन्दू महिला की ही ज़िम्मेदारी होगी कि उस पर सचमुच बलात्कार हुआ है। और<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">“</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">समूह</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">” (</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">मुसलमान या ईसाई) के आरोप को उस हिन्दू महिला की पहचान दे दी जाएगी (इंडियन एक्स्प्रेस<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">12.1.12)</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">इस कानून का फायदा उठाकर अल्पसंख्यक व्यक्ति ने किसी हिन्दू को उसकी सम्पत्ति को मनचाहे दाम पर बेचने या किराये पर लेने के लिए मजबूर कर सकता है।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">कोई अल्पसंख्यक किसी हिन्दू को उसके कर्ज को माफ करने के लिए विवश कर सकता है। कोई हिन्दू मकान मालिक अल्पसंख्यक मुसलमान या ईसाई किरायेदार से मकान खाली नहीं करा सकता। वह अल्पसंख्यक उस हिन्दू मकान मालिक के खिलाफ शिकायत कर उसे जेल भिजवा सकता है। हिन्दू उद्योगपति किसी अल्पसंख्यक मुसलमान या ईसाई को खराब काम के लिए नौकरी से निकाले तो बिना सबूत की शिकायत पर उस हिन्दू को जेल जाना पड़ेगा। अयोग्य अल्पसंख्यक मुसलमान या ईसाई ने नौकरी के लिए आवेदन दिया तो हिन्दू उसे नौकरी पर रखने से मना नहीं कर सकता।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"> </span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">अल्पसंख्यक हिन्दुओं को डरा-धमकार उनसे लाखों रुपये ऐंठ सकते हैं। अगर यह कानून बना</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">तो कोई भी अल्पसंख्यक किसी भी हिन्दू को मामूली से मामूली इल्जाम के लिए कम से कम<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">10</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>साल के लिए जेल भेजने का कानूनी हथियार प्राप्त कर लेगा (इंडियन एक्स्प्रेस<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">12/1/12)</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">“</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">साम्प्रदायिक हिंसा</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">”<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">के नाम से प्रस्तावित कानून हिन्दू-विरोधी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">उद्योग-व्यवसाय-अर्थव्यवस्था विरोधी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">सामाजिक समरसता विरोधी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">राष्ट्र-विरोधी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">पंथनिर्पेक्षता-विरोधी</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">लोकतन्त्र-विरोधी और संविधान-विरोधी है। फिर भी मुलायम सिंह जी मुसलमानों को खुश करके उनका वोट लेने के लिए इस बिल का समर्थन करते हैं। यह कानून आतंकवादियों की हिफाजत करेगा और हिन्दुओं को जेल की धमकी दिखाएगा।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">आश्चर्य की बात है<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">”</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">अहिंसा परमोधर्मः</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">“<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">मानने वाले</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">विश्व का कल्याण चाहने वाले</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">दुनिया के किसी देश पर आक्रमण न करने वाले हिन्दुओं के खिलाफ इन सेक्युलरवादी नेताओं में इतनी नफरत क्यों है</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">?<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">कारण है कि हिन्दुओं में एकता नहीं है</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">अल्पसंख्यकों में एकता है जो वोट बैंक के रूप में सेक्युलरवादी नेताओं को सत्ता का सुख दिलाती है।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">भारत को विकसित भारत बनाने मे असफल सेक्युलरवादी राजनेता अपने स्थायी वोट बैंक के लिए इस बिल को पारित कर बहुसंख्यक हिन्दुओं और अल्पसंख्यकों के बीच स्थायी दुश्मनी स्थापित कर देगें। इससे अंततः नुकसान अल्पसंख्यक का ही होगा और उनका भविष्य पूरी तरह चौपट हो जाएगा</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">क्योंकि सत्ता भोगी सेक्युलरवादी नेता उनका सदैव सत्ता के लिए उनका शोषण करेंगे।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">हिन्दू कभी किसी का बुरा नहीं चाहते। वे व्यापार और नौकरी देकर अल्पसंख्यकों की आर्थिक उन्नति करना चाहते हैं। हिन्दू सदा अल्पसंख्यकों की सुख-समृद्धि की कामना करते हैं। अतः अल्पसंख्यकों को बहुसंख्यकों के साथ इस देश विरोधी बिल को मिलकर उखाड़ फेंकना चाहिए। जो अल्पसंख्यक मजहबी घृणा और हिंसा को छोड़ चुके हैं</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">वे हमारे सम्माननीय मित्र हैं।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">कई अल्पसंख्यक संगठन</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">जिनमें जमात-ए-उलेमा-ए-हिन्द प्रमुख है</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">कॉंग्रेस पर इस कानून को पारित के लिए दबाव डाल रहे हैं। हर मोर्चे पर पिट रही कॉंग्रेस<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">2014</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>में मुस्लिम वोटों को अपनी झोली में डलवाने के लिए इस खतरनाक हिन्दू-विरोधी विधेयक को पारित करने की कोशिश करेगी। कॉंग्रेस के स्वास्थ्य मंत्री गुलाम नबी आजाद ने कहा है कि उसकी सरकार इस विधेयक को पारित करने के लिए कटिबद्ध है।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">यह विधेयक विश्व के<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">95</span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;"><span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span>करोड़ हिन्दुओं के मानवाधिकारों का घोर उल्लंघन है। संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ (यू.एन.ओ.) में हिन्दुओं के मानवाधिकारों के लिए संघर्ष करना पड़ेगा।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">श्री अरुण जेटली</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">सुश्री जयललिता</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">सुश्री मायावती</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">श्री नवीन पट्नायक और सुश्री ममता बैनर्जी के अनुसार इस विधेयक के द्वारा कॉंग्रेस देश पर हमेशा अपनी तानाशाही लागू करना चाहती है।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">मुसलमानों एवं ईसाईयों की जो संस्थाऐं वोट बैंक के लिए सेक्युलरवादी राजनेताओं के लिए सहयोग का कार्य कर रही हैं उनकी संस्थाओं को बहुत बड़ा आर्थिक सहयोग मिलता है। परंतु हिन्दू सर्वत्र मार खा रहे हैं क्योंकि उनकी संस्थाओं को हिन्दू उद्योगपतियों द्वारा आर्थिक सहयोग नहीं मिलता।</span><u></u><u></u></div>
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<span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">इस खतरनाक</span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;">,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">राष्ट्रविरोधी और हिन्दू-विरोधी विधेयक के खिलाफ डॉ. सुब्रमण्यम स्वामी जैसे प्रतिष्ठित राष्ट्रप्रेमी व्यक्तियों के मार्गदर्शन में अखिल-भारतीय विरोध-अभियान में आप सहयोगी हों जिससे इस अत्याचारी जिहादी कानून के खिलाफ हिन्दुओं का एकजुट संघर्ष ही आपको और आपकी आने वाली पीढ़ियों के भविष्य की रक्षा कर सकेगा। आप इस प्रस्तावित बिल को<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"><a href="http://www.nac.nic.in/" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">www.nac.nic.in</a></span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: Mangal, serif;">(सरकार की वेबसाइट) पर भी देखें सकते हैं। सम्पर्क हेतु<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif; line-height: 18px;">09313103060,<span class="Apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Palatino Linotype", serif;"><a href="mailto:nr.carried@gmail.com" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">nr.carried@gmail.com</a></span><br />
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-55348910679449273962012-08-21T08:35:00.001-07:002012-08-21T08:35:14.291-07:00I want to create more job opportunities for Muslims - Mamta Banerjee<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-74606236198978841172012-08-21T04:55:00.002-07:002012-08-21T04:55:41.140-07:00कट्टरता का पोषण<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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August 21, 2012, Delhi </div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-11399162847090320802012-08-16T15:08:00.002-07:002012-08-17T05:58:25.817-07:00क्या यह असम की प्रतिक्रिया है? - मनीष मंजुल (समर्थ – महामंत्री)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="HI" style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">देश में पूर्वोत्तर के </span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-ascii-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">नागरिकोँ </span><span lang="HI" style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">को डर क्यों है</span><span style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">? <span lang="HI">असम की पहली जिहादी प्रतिक्रिया
मुंबई में आजाद मैदान पर हुई</span>| <span lang="HI">इस घटनाक्रम में मुंबई पुलिस की
दुर्गति को पूरे देश ने देखा </span>| <span lang="HI">इस के बाद पूर्वोत्तर के लोग प्रशासन
पर कैसे भरोसा करें</span>? <span lang="HI">पुलिस की कमजोर छवि सत्तापक्ष की
दूरदर्शिता की कमी स्पष्ट करता है</span>| <span lang="HI">पूर्वोत्तर के लोगो में
जो डर है</span>, <span lang="HI">वो दूर कैसे होगा</span>? <span lang="HI">माँ पिता
नहीं चाहते उनका बच्चा किसी जिहादी द्वारा बलि चढ़े | इसके अन्य प्रतिफल क्या होंगे</span>?
<span lang="HI">क्या सत्ता पक्ष</span>, <span lang="HI">मीडिया और विपक्ष ने इस को सोचा
? पढ़े लिखे नौकरीपेशा लोग भी अफवाहों के जंजाल में फंस रहे हैं</span>|<span lang="HI"> वे अपने घरों से भाग रहे हैं</span>| <span lang="HI">उनके जीवन पर जिहादी
आक्रमण का तनाव उनको अपने घर जाने के लिए मजबूर कर रहा है</span>| <span lang="HI">पूर्वोत्तर
के नागरिक साधारणतया स्थानीय लोगो से ज्यादा संपर्क नहीं रख पाते है | इस कमजोर कड़ी
के कारण पलायन ही उपाय दिखता होगा| </span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="HI" style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">इस तनाव का दुष्परिणाम क्या हो सकता है</span><span style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">? <span lang="HI">इसकी
कल्पना भी सरकार को नहीं है</span>| <span lang="HI">क्या होगा जब बड़ी संख्या में
ये डरे हुए लोग पूर्वोत्तर में अपने घरों तक पहुंचेंगे</span>? <span lang="HI">पलायन
के कारण उनका जो नुकसान हो रहा है उसकी टीस कहाँ</span>, <span lang="HI">कैसे और
किस पर निकलेगी</span>?</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="HI" style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">असम के दंगों को सही समय पर नियन्त्रित नहीं करना
भी केंद्र सरकार की दूरदर्शिता की कमी को स्पष्ट करता है</span><span style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">| <span lang="HI">दंगों
के पहले चरण के बाद वहां केंद्र सरकार ने राज्य सरकार पर असरदार कार्रवाई के लिए
दबाव क्यों नहीं बनाया</span>| </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="HI" style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">असम और मुंबई में जो समानता है</span><span style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">,<span lang="HI">
वह विदेशी घुसपैठ है</span>| <span lang="HI">असम में विदेशी मुसलमान घुसपैठिये
सत्ता हासिल करने का साधन बन चुके है</span>| <span lang="HI">असम में विदेशी
घुसपैठियों को स्थानीय लोगों ने अस्वीकार किया है| मुंबई में इन्ही विदेशी
घुसपैठियों के समर्थन में भारतीय मुसलामानों ने पाकिस्तानी झंडा लेकर मजहब और
मजहबी रिश्तों को देश की मिट्टी से बड़ा माना </span>| <span lang="HI">यह इतनी भयावह
मानसिकता है, जिसके दुष्परिणाम की कल्पना भी नहीं की जा सकती </span>|</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span lang="HI" style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">यदि ये मानसिकता भारत में जड़ जमाएगी तो देश में
सद्भाव और समरसता की जड़ें हिल जाएँगी | यह मानसिकता भारत को किस दिशा में ले
जायेगी</span><span style="font-family: "Mangal","serif"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">?
<span lang="HI"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>क्या हम इसकी कल्पना कर
सकते है</span>?</span></span></div>
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Anonymoushttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13857241863882304827noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-1936939765735266564.post-61665164578080378012012-08-15T22:24:00.000-07:002012-08-15T22:24:25.808-07:00Azad Maidan (CST-Mumbai-Riots) 11th Aug 2012<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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