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Sunday 22 September 2013

PM TO FOCUS ON COMMUNAL VIOLENCE AT NIC MEET MONDAY

Monday 9 September 2013

Islam and Religious Riots, A Case Study: Riots & Wrongs

Riots & Wrongs
Book : Hard Bound, 364 page, second edition-2012
Author : R.N.P. Singh
Publisher : CARRIED - A Unit of Samarth - a trust,
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What M V Kamath says about the book (Madhav Vittal Kamath is an Indian Journalist. He was the former Chairman of Prasar Bharti. He worked as the editor of The Sunday Times (India) for two years during 1967-69 and as Washington Correspondent of Times of India during 1969-78. He has also served as editor of The Illustrated Weekly of India. He has also authored over 40 books on various topics. He was awarded Padma Bhushan in 2004.)

 “... Singh’s (R.N.P. Singh) book has a sub title: “Riots & Wrong” which tells it all. Singh incidently, is not just anybody. If he speaks with authority, it is because he is an ex-Officer of the Intelligence Bureau, has been the recipient of the President’s Police Medal and the Indian Police Medal. Just as importantly, this book carries a foreword by K P S Gill, former DGP of Punjab.  Gill is very forthright in his comments. He writes “Much of the secular discourse in India has been based on a politically correct refusal to confront the nature of religious communities and institutions and their past and present activities, and the fiction that ‘all religions are equal’ and that their inherent message is the same. The truth is, unless communities acknowledge reality warts and all and recognise the transgressions of their own history within a constructive context, no real solution to the issue of communal polarisation and violence in India can be brought about.”

“This is telling truth ...Singh’s case study of religious riots in India is comprehensive and is probably the first book of its kind, at least in recent times. It is divided into four parts.

“Part I take a fresh look at Islam and conflicts. Part II makes an enquiry into why Hindu-Muslim synthesis has failed and studies why peaceful co-existence with other communities is anathema to Islam. Part III deals with communalism and communal riots and what the author calls ‘single dimensional approach to riots’. It also makes an effort at taking a realistic perspective of communal riots. Part IV consists of chronological overview of all communal riots in India for over two centuries beginning at a time when there was no BJP, no VHP, no RSS and no Narendra Modi.


“Unless one studies this background to communal violence he will never be able to understand contemporary life in India. Then of course, there are appendices and tables in connection with communal riots. This is the work of a scholar and expert. The accompanying bibliography clearly indicates that Singh has taken his job seriously and read widely.

“... Conventional wisdom attributes the malaise, says Singh, to the British strategy of ‘divide and rule’ implemented in the wake of first struggle for freedom in 1857. That is partly true. Yes, the British did attempt to separate Hindus and Muslims to keep both under subjugation but there have been riots in India even before the British consolidation of their power in this country. It is interesting to learn that the “first communal riot” took place in Ahmedabad in 1713. That by itself calls for further study. Gujarat, it seems has been peculiarly susceptible to communal riots and there have been riots in Ahmedabad in 1730, in 1737, and some other times. But Hindu-Muslim riots have had an all India character,  riots having taken place in 1806, 1809, 1813, 1820, 1833, 1837, 1850,  1853 and so right upto 1897.

“Singh believes that the post- independence riots were “perhaps due to the Hindus heightened distrust towards Muslims and vice versa” and that “typical Muslims outlook towards nationality, nationalism and a soft corner for the partitioned part that is Pakistan, further fuelled it. And he adds “The Muslims who stayed back in India were perhaps hopeful of further partition of India if the situation so demanded”. To buttress this point Singh adds “shortly after partition, the views of one Qamaruddin Khan Spokesperson of Aligarh Muslim University, appears in ‘Light’ of Lahore. He advised the Indian Muslims to lie low for some time owing to tactical reasons and that soon they should stand up for a similar cause, that is to demand partition of Muslim majority areas of India”. Wrote Qamaruddin Khan “the five crore Muslims who were compelled to stay back in India would have to fight for another freedom struggle. The fight would be mainly fought on the eastern end and the western areas bordering Pakistan did not mean that the Indian Muslims would invite Pakistan for help. However, it was certain that Pakistan’s presence in the neighbourhood would embolden the Muslims. The Indian Muslims have won half of the battle and for total victory they will have to scheme out another plan.

“Further Qamaruddin Khan wrote “At the moment, the Muslims should refrain from politically confronting Hindus. After a while the Indian Muslims should try to develop concentrated pockets. The Indian Muslims should maintain close relations with Pakistan and for running organisations; they should take help from them”. Can this possibly be one explanation why there have been too many communal riots in Gujarat, which incidentally is geographically close to Pakistan and our secularists and liberals must study this further.

“Singh’s book is an excellent introduction to the subject. He refers to the Khalistani movement in Punjab, Pakistan’s support to it and the involvement of the ISI in Indian affairs. This is a book for our editors to read and digest...”
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Friday 6 September 2013

INTELLECTUAL POLICING OF ISLAM - Dr. Babu Suseelan

Since independence from British Christian Colonialists, a number of developments have occurred in India that played an important part in shaping Hindu life. In the first place, India was divided by Isalamists and bogus secular political leaders. There has been an increased recognition that all Muslims will go to PAKISTAN, an Islamic country. We have elected an atheist and anti-Hindu man Jawaharlal Nehru as the Prime Minister of India. Nehru believed in Islam, and his beliefs, thinking and action encouraged Muslims in India remain in India and to preach Islamic hatred and indulge in violence as prescribed in the Koran. Nehru and the anti-national Congress party have opened up the appeasement policy and special reservation and quota systems for Muslims. The activities the Nehru dynasty has in subsequent years have resulted in the demographic increase of Muslims. Subsequent Prime Ministers like Indira Gandhi, V.P.Singh, Deva Gowda, Man Mohan Singh etc, continued pro-Islamic policies and programs. The ruling parties increased Hajj subsidy and pseudo secular Hindus never criticized pro-Islamist policies and or unwilling to let the majority HINDUS STUDY THE Contemporary issues created by Islamic terrorists. Indian intellectuals, leftist liberals and pseudo secular Hindus never studied India beset by problems which are universally ascribed to inept handling of Islamic terrorism. Indian intellectuals, leftist academicians, and corrupt political leaders and phony secular leaders were reluctant to study the vital current Indian problems. What are the reasons for this?

In the first place,  many pseudo secular Hindus think that Sana than Dharma is eternal and have the attitude that “all religions are the same” and special study of Islam is unnecessary.  Almost every political leaders, businessmen, military leaders, criminal justice administrators, religious leaders, and journalists, consider themselves as good Hindu and believes that they already know the ethical facts and principles of Hinduism on the basis of their own experience in dealing with Muslims. Unquestionably, these individuals, and other Hindus are responsible for the current predicaments and many of the social problems. But it is just as obviously true that they do not know enough to deal with some of the most significant social problems created my Islamists. Despite the vast erroneous knowledge and irrational information, they will find among good men the world over like Indian culture.  India’s intellectuals, Marxist academicians and the media pundits in India lack the knowledge how to handle problems created by Islamists. Industrial and social unrest, hate, prejudice, crime, violence, Islamic terrorism, corruption and love jihad continue to be major problems in India. But everywhere practical knowledge is lacking to problems created by Islamists. It must be pointed out that Indian administrators and criminal politicians lack the knowledge how to prevent the Islamic savages who succeed in killing Hindus.

The lack of understanding of Islam and Jihad results in failure to contain savage behavior of Muslims. Hindus are under constant threats from Islamists and in many states; Hindus are living in a prison of Islamic terror. And where are the bogus secularists, Indian liberals, Communist academicians and leftist intellectuals to educate the majority when they fear Islamic terror. It does not take a lot of imagination to understand how people behave when they are discriminated by the government and surrounded and attacked by Islamic savages.

In Kashmir all Hindus are killed. Some Hindus and other infidels or driven out, and they are living in refugee camps in their own country. Kerala, the land of Snakaracharya, Muslims will outnumber Hindus in few years. What does it say about the states of truth about Jihad, when the mainstream Indian media joins with corrupt politicians and Islamists? We can predict the outcome. Indian media, owned and operated by our enemies blame Hindus for their suffering by Islamic terrorists. Hindu women are raped; business attacked yet, the media blame the myopic Hindus. Good information is easily accessible and easily available on the atrocious behavior of Islamic criminals committed against innocent citizens. If the government administrators and Indian educated elites and leftist academicians want to eliminate full Jihad in India it is still possible. In India, there is a vacuum on the pseudo secular left, and Jihadist knows how to take full advantage.

Rather than seek to cultivate a united ideological font against Islam,  jihadi terrorist’s ideological roots, government of India, and Indian intellectuals did in fact did unilateral and emotionally irrelevant appeasement policy and played Islamic vote bank politics. It was like a hydra growing new heads.

However, the distinction between Islam (a closed desert Dogma) and open ended, systemic, pluralistic, Hinduism simply should not be pushed aside without an attempt to diagnose and exorcise some of the social, psychological, criminal problems created by Islamists by Indian intellectuals. And it is now a question of trying to find why Indian intellectuals, educated elites, and our politicians refuse to see the stereotypical presentation of Hinduism and Hindus in India and abroad. Are they suffering from a virulent form of cognitive disorder, unable to see the reality? “Cognitive Nihilism” hit them? Indian intellectual’s ideological prejudice shared with pseudo secular Hindus who are in deep denial, apathetic and indifferent. It would not take a genius to realize that there are distinction between Islam and Hinduism. Hinduism is highly eclectic, systemic, pluralistic, and open-ended and provides liberty to individuals. One wonders, why India’s intellectuals refuse to see the difference between a closed dogma and open ended Hindu philosophy. Although Islam is often powerfully associated with state and central government in India, how can we deny the fact that Muslims have killed more than 80 million Hindus, and is associated with mass killing and violence and terrorism? Hinduism is peaceful, analytic, and methodological. Very few Islamic theologians or Mullahs will admit that Islam is extremely parochial and encourage its followers to annihilate all infidels from the world (Umwelt) and create dar-l-islam. They are not interested in philosophical analysis. Muslims are clever in al-taquiea (lying) and disguises and disarms a more profound and interesting possible about the intentions of jihadi terrorists in India.  Like caged parrots, Muslims are still singing that “Islam is peace”. It is clear, that the truthfulness of Islam is questionable. There is something intellectually cowardly about their claims. AS closed dogmatic and aggressive fundamentalists, Islamic theologians and Mullahs refuse to face intellectual challenges and dialogue.  

Many phony secular Hindus, corrupt politician, Islamic religious leaders and corrupt bureaucrats have the attitude that Hindu values and life principles are unnecessary. Every criminal politician in India thinks that they know Hinduism and already know the essential facts about Islam, Maoism, and Marxism. On the basis of their own experience in dealing with Marxists, Maoists, and Islamists.

The division between Santana Dharma and Islam is the expression of a commitment o Mohammad and freedom of thought. And more over it is an eternal conflict of differing and opposed habit of thought. The deeper point is that the philosophical and cultural truth matters. Whatever they might be, we have to take sides, and there by become a part of sane world. Islamists claim that their Saudi Arabian Islam is perfect and is a perfected and closed and the Koran which contains traditional Saudi Arabian culture, absurdities and irrational ideas for aggression and violence against infidels needs no renaissance, revision or reformation. What Muslims have to understand, then is the broadmindedness and tolerance of Hindus.

Indian intellectuals, Politicians and Hindus must exhibit a commitment to neutralize Islam and Muslim Jihadis. Incorrect, intellectually dishonest and phony statements that “all religions are the same” simply serve to perpetuate Islamic terrorism against Hindus.
Hinduism is no longer confines to India. As an NRI Hindu, I feel that Hinduism has so much to offer to the world beset by Islamic terrorists, coercive religious conversion and interpersonal problems. As responsible citizens of a democratic world, NRI Hindus and Indian intellectuals must apply the science of Hindutva to problems created by the desert dogma called Islam. India will prosper if Indian citizens can understand the current division in culture. It is extremely impossible for India to avoid corruption, Jihadi terrorism, criminal behavior of Maoists, and Muslims unless Indian intellectuals come to the view that Islam is cruel, rude, closed, nasty, and brutish.

In my view the cultural pathology of Muslim Jihadist must be stopped.  As a final thought, we might consider that there are two cultures-one humanistic, pluralistic, systemic, rationalistic, peaceful and tolerant. The other (ISLAM) is against democracy, human rights, pluralism, peace, and co-existence and even distorts humanist modernity. Muslims are brutal, intolerant, and aggressive.  Hinduism is truth and meaning, knowledge and wisdom. Islam is opposed to harmony, religious tolerance, and not in favor of social progress, science, technology and modern industry.

Islamists are probably the absolute worse human right violators of Hindus in the world. Since the Indian media and the Sonia administration have in varying degrees decided to ignore or whitewash this otherwise growing epidemic of human pain and suffering of Hindus. Muslims are conditioned to believe that Hindus are hypocrites, fanatical, intolerant and the source of the world’ vows. In fact, Hindus are the by far the most persecuted religious groups around the world.

The situation has gone from bad to worse, politically in the light of the fact that there is no intellectual policing of Islam. The so Called anti-Hindu Indian Intellectuals are cohort with Islamic theologians and Mullahs and refuse to take intellectual challenges to Islam. It is very unfortunate that Indian academicians are unable or unwilling to an intellectual/philosophical challenge to Islam. Indian Intellectual elites are unable or unwilling to develop a consensus that the Islamic threat is significant.

I wish, pro-Islamist corrupt politicians, leftist academicians, and elite pseudo secular Indian intellectuals read all the passages in the Koran which promote, instigate and motivate Muslims for violence against infidels.

Intellectual policing of Islam and continued dialogue on the philosophy of Mohamed may reduce antagonism and mutual misrepresentation between the closed Islam and open ended Hinduism.


Intellectual policing of Islam must be an essential part of in the life Hindu culture.

Reserve Bank of India Eyes Temple Gold? - Ram Kumar Ohri, IPS (Retd)

No one knows what is cooking in the cook-house of our flambuoyant Finance Minister, P. Chidambram.  The truth perhaps is known only to the ruling Trimurti of Sonia Gandhi, Ahmed Patel and Dr. Manmohan Singh. The Finance Minister, too, is a bit-player in the ongoing gold-game!

Despite an official denial in the Parliament that the central government has no intention of grabbing temple gold to tide over the looming monetary crisis and freefall of Indian Rupee, a number of temples in Kerala are reported to have received letters from the Reserve Bank of India seeking details about the quantum and value of gold held by them. This has caused a fresh wave of panic among Hindu worshippers, not only in Kerala but several parts of south India because a majority of temples in south India are managed by Devasthan Boards controlled by respective State governments. The Regional Director of of RBI, Gangadharan is reported to have confirmed to IANS that such a communication has been sent to the temple authorities. 

Ever since July 2011 when a Supreme Court appointed Committee stumbled upon six vaults of  the famous  Sri Padmanabhaswamy temple of Thiruvananthapuram the treasures worth several lakh crores have received the attention of the financially- stressed central government, despite official denials notwithstanding. The common refrain in whisper-tones across Lutyen’s New Delhi is under whose orders the Reserve Bank of India has asked for this gilt-edged information totally beyond the role assigned to the central bank!  


The Reserve Bank of India is the central bank of India. Its functions and role in managing the monetary system has been elaborated in the RBI Act, 1934.  But the aforesaid legislation does not authorize the central bank to quantify and oversee the gold held by Hindu temples. Then why and how this letter has been addressed to temples of Hindu community alone!

Thursday 5 September 2013

ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 8

Considering the various judgments of the Apex Court and High Court, Hinduism represents Indian culture and not a religion, which includes Sikhism, Jainism, Buddhism, Arya Samaj, Kabir Panth, Radha Swamy, Dhan Nirankar and Lingayats etc., the philosophy and thoughts and belief in which Lord, Ram, Lord Krishna, Shaivismwere considered God and a number of other Religions founded by a number of Saints, Acharyas or Panths and several other Philosophers. Each and every tribal, castes, sub-castes have their own God or Goddess, different way of life, different beliefs and thoughts and most of them have different way of worship, all Tribals have different religion with different God and Goddess. 

Bhaktimarg, Philosophy of Rama Krishna Panth and Vivekanand Karmayog, Shaivists, thoughts of Gita and several Religions founded by Philosphers and Thinkers such as OSO by Acharya Rajnish, ISCON, who believes in Lord Krishna only. The propounders in the Gyan Yog founded by Saints, philosophers and religious thoughts, Kabirpanthis, and thousands of such thoughts, way of worship and Beliefs. 

Basic concept of Hinduism is that way of reaching to the eternal truth and to the Almighty is manifold and has given freedom to all the members of the society to reach to the Almighty through their own way as thoughts, belief the way of worship may be different. Such freedom in the field of religion on Indian soil is derived from thousands of philosophies, Thoughts and different ways of worship, traditions and belief from time to time throughout the history of India. Combination of such religion, thought, belief or way to reach to the eternal truth is Hinduism. Hinduism cannot be equated as religion but it represents a civilization & culture and way of life born and brought up on Indian soil and as such the arguments of Sri N.A. Khan that Muslims minority may be considered 50% to the largest religious community, i.e., Hindu is totally unsustainable in law. Every religion, thought, belief way of worship born and broughtup on Indian soil is altogether different/distinct from each other within the fold of Indian culture which assimilate in Hindu culture. In view of the discussions made above that more than several hundred religions within the fold of Hindu culture constitute a separate and distinct religion and each religion group is a religious minority in India. Thus, all religious groups within the Hindu culture are religious minority in comparison to single muslim religious majority of having population of 18.50% in State of U.P. and 13.80% in all India basis. 

It is surprising that Union of India by Notification dated 23.10.1993 recognized Sikhism, Jainism and Buddhism as minorities and did not consider any other religion like Bahabi, Sufism, Aryasamaj, Kabirpanthi, Aghorpath and other religions born and broughtup in India as minorities, though the Apex Court in the case of Arya Samaj has considered as Arya Samajis as a religious minority group in the State of Punjab. The State of U.P. and Union of India by issuing the notification under the National Minority Act, 1992, have not applied mind as to any other Religious group at all. In fact, Buddhism and Jainism are also part of the Indian culture. They were born and developed as a reformative religion in Indian society. The Apex Court in Bal Patil and another V. Union of India and others (supra) referred above considered question of minority and laid down law. 

As stated (supra) that neither Union of India nor State of Uttar Pradesh or Minority Commission of India or State Minority Commission brought any material to show that what are the norms for declaring any community as religious minority community, this Court on consideration of proceedings of Constituent Assembly and judgments of the Apex Court considered the question of religious minority and its various aspects, particularly, when Sri S.M.A. Qazmi, learned Advocate General, State of Uttar Pradesh did not give any assistance to the Court, though being Advocate General of the State of U.P. he was expected to render assistance to the Court, but he only chose to depute Sri B.N. Yadav and Sri Jai Krishna Tiwari, learned Standing Counsel, for assistance of the Court, though hearing of the case continued for about three months. 

Thus the Constituent Assembly while framing Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India was to provide equality of minority and majority and not to give any privilege based on inequality. 
Constituent Assembly provided protection to Religious Minority Communities to ensure equality with rest of the society which was felt necessary by the framers of Constitution of India taking into consideration the circumstances prevailing at that time. 
In Ahmedabad St. Xaviers' College Society Vs. State of Gujarat, (1974) 1 SCC 717, in paragraph 9', the Apex Court has held that: 
"9. Every section of the public, the majority as well as minority has rights in respect of religion as contemplated in Articles 25 and 26 and rights in respect of language, script, culture as contemplated in Article 29. The whole object of conferring the right on minorities under Article 30 is to ensure that there will be equality between the majority and the minority. If the minorities do not have such special protection they will be denied equality." 

Thus, the Constituent Assembly introduced Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India to provide such rights to minority to maintain equal right to them with majority and not to create any privilege or inequality. 
In (2005) 6 SCC 537, P.A. Inamdar and others Vs. State of Maharashtra and others, (Seven Judges Bench), the Supreme Court of India in Paragraph 95, has defined and considered the question of minority and held linguistic and religious minority being a non-dominant group or numerically less. Paragraph 95 of P.A. Inamdar case (Supra) is quoted as follows: 

"Minority" and "minority educations institutions" 

"95. The term "minority" is not defined in the Constitution. Chief Justice Kirpal, speaking for the majority in T.M.A.Pai Foundation Vs. State of Karnataka, (2002) 8 SCC 481 took a clue from the provisions of the States Reorganisation Act and held that in view of India having been divided into different linguistic States, carved out on the basis of the language of the majority of persons of that region, it is the State, and not the whole of India, that shall have to be taken as the unit for determining a linguistic minority vis-a-vis Article 30. Inasmuch as Article 30(1) places on par religions and languages, he held that the minority status, whether by reference to language or by reference to religion, shall have to be determined by treating the State as a unit. The principle would remain the same whether it is a Central legislation or a State legislation dealing with a linguistic or religious minority, Khare, J. (as His Lordship then was), Quadri, J. and Variava and Bhan, JJ. In their separate concurring opinions agreed with Kirpal, C.J. According to Khare, J., take the population of any State as a unit, find out its demography and calculate if the persons speaking a particular language or following a particular religion are less than 50% of the population, then give them the status of linguistic or religious minority. The population of the entire country is irrelevant for the purpose of determining such status. Quadri, J. opined that the word "minority" literally means "a non-dominant" group. Ruma Pal, J. defined the word "minority" to mean "numerically less". However, she refused to take the State as a unit for the purpose of determining minority status as, in her opinion, the question of minority status must be determined with reference to the country as a whole. She assigned reasons for the purpose. Needless to say, her opinion is a lone voice. Thus, with the dictum of Pai Foundation, it cannot be doubted that a minority, whether linguistic or religious, is determinable only by a reference to the demography of a State and not by taking into consideration the population of the country as a whole." 


This Court after considering all the materials in its entirety is of the view that so far as the linguistic minority is concerned, 50% of the total population may be considered for recognising any group as religious minority as after re-organisation of the States on linguistic basis, the States may be considered for determining the linguistic minority, but so far as religious minority is concerned, India is a secular State and the States were not formed on the basis of religion, therefore, the question further arises to be considered how population of 50% of the religious minority or minority may be considered. 
In view of the discussions made above, as this Court has already described two kinds of religions (i) born on foreign land and brought in India by foreigners, i.e., Islam, Christianity, Zoroastrian, Parsees, Yahudis and (ii) born and broughtup in India, i.e., Buddhism, Jainsim, Arya Samaj, Radha Swamy and several hundred other religious groups having different God and Goddess with different thoughts, beliefs and way of life and different way of worship discussed in the preceding Paragraphs of judgment (supra) and any of such religions do not individually constitute a religious majority group, but in fact reduced to minority. Only Muslim Religious Community with 18.50% population in 2001 in State of Uttar Pradesh constitutes single religious majority community. In 2001, Muslim Religious Community having population of 3,07,40,198 is only single largest religious group in the State of Uttar Pradesh which constitute majority religious group. There is no other single religious community in Uttar Pradesh having such population, strength and dominance. As has been discussed above that Hindu culture and civilisation consists of several hundred religions and the Hindu Society is divided in caste, creed and several ethnic groups and as such each and every religious group forming Hinduism constitutes a minority religious group in comparison to Muslims. It appears that the relevant part of report of Advisory Committee on Minority (of Constituent Assembly) fixing percentage of the population of religious minority groups on the basis of population & strength was not brought to the notice of Apex Court, which fixed above 1-1/2% necessarily not more than 2%. Even if considering the religious population, the Indian society within the fold of Hindu culture consists of several hundreds of religious groups, castes, sub-castes and several ethnic groups having different beliefs, different thoughts, different way of worship and different way of life are individually less than 50% and, thus, these religious groups also constitute minority in comparison to Muslim Religious community. Some religious communities believe Sri Ram as God, Lord Sri Krishna as God, Shiva as God, Durga and Kali as Goddess, Pustimarg, Adwaitwad philosophy of Shankaracharya, Sufism, Bahabi, Arya Samaj, Brahma Samaj, Rama Krishna Paramhans, Radha Swami and several other religions discussed above (supra) following different thoughts, beliefs and way of worship and considering their population and strength they also constitute religious minority and are entitled to be recognised as religious minority groups and protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India. 
All religions other than Muslims mentioned above (supra) in vogue in State of Uttar Pradesh constitute religious minority group and as such the argument of learned counsel for the petitioners that all other religious groups should be taken into account together and religious minority could be considered in the context of entire Hindu Culture and Civilisation while considering the Muslim religious minority is not acceptable, as has been held by the Apex Court in Bal Patil's case (supra) that Hindu Society is divided in different castes, sub-castes and different ethnic groups. 
This Court is of the firm view that Muslim Religious Community now are not entitled to get any protection under Article 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India as a religious minority community in Uttar Pradesh. The recent judgment reported in (2007) 2, SCC 1, I.R. Colho (dead) by Lrs Vs. State of T.N of Nine Hon'ble Judges Bench of the Apex Court has laid down that power exercised by the Constituent Assembly was a constituent power given by the people of India. This Court after taking into consideration proceedings of Constitutional Assembly as well as the report of Advisory Committee on Minority is further of the firm view that the notification dated 23.10.1993 under the National Commission of Minority Act, 1992 issued by the Union of India declaring Muslim as minority is liable to be amended as Muslim Religious community is the only single largest Religious majority group in comparison to other religious groups and is not entitle to get any protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India. 
A Constitution Bench judgment of the Apex Court in Islamic Academy of Education and another v. State of Karnataka following T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra) has discussed the law relating to minority in Paragraphs 107 and 118 of the judgment, same are being reproduced below:- 

"107. The question, thus, has to be considered keeping in view the fact that every Indian may be a minority, either based on religion or language, in one part of the country of the other. The right of a citizen as a minority in one part of the country cannot be higher than his right as a member of majority in another part of the country. 

118.......If a measure tends to perpetuate inequality and makes the goal of equality a mirage, such measure should not receive the approval of the Court. The Court, in such circumstances, has to mould the relief by indicating what would be the reasonable measure or action which furthers the object of achieving equality. The concept of equality is not a doctrinaire approach. It is a binding thread which runs through the entire constitutional text. An affirmative action may, therefore, be constitutionally valid by reason of Articles 15(4) and 16(4) and various directive principles of State policy, but the Court cannot ignore the constitutional morality which embraces in itself the doctrine of equality. It would be constitutionally immoral to perpetuate inequality among majority people of the country in the guise of protecting the constitutional rights of minorities and constitutional rights of the backward and downtrodden. All the rights of these groups are part of the right to social development which cannot render national interest and public interest subservient to right of an individual or right of a community." 

Further, Paragraphs 42, 48 and 54 of a judgment of the Apex Court in I.R. Ceolho (Dead) by Lrs. v. State of Tamil Nadu, (2007) 2 SCC, p.1, also supports my view that in order to get basic foundation of a doctrine, the Court may go to the root and get the intention of Constitution makers from the debates of the Constituent Assembly as Constituent Assembly was given constituent power by the people of India. This Court has already discussed judgments on minority as well as debates of Constituent Assembly. 

Paragraphs 42, 48 and 54 of a judgment of the Apex Court in I.R. Ceolho (Dead) by Lrs. v. State of Tamil Nadu (supra) are being reproduced below:- 

"42. The Constitution is a living document. The constitutional provisions have to be construed having regard to the march of time and the development of law. 
48. There is a difference between parliamentary and constitutional sovereignty. Our Constitution is framed by a Constituent Assembly which was not Parliament. It is in the exercise of law-making power by the Constituent Assembly that we have a controlled Constitution. Articles 14, 19, 21 represent the foundational values which form the basis of the rule of law. 

54. The distinction is drawn by the author between the making of a Constitution by a Constituent Assembly which was not subject to restraints by any external authority as a plenary law-making power and a power to amend the Constitution, a derivative power derived from the Constitution and subject to the limitations imposed by the Constitution. No provision of the Constitution framed in exercise of plenary law-making power can be ultra vires because there is no touchstone outside the Constitution by which the validity of provision of the Constitution can be adjudged...." 

In T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra), it has been settled by the Apex Court that that Articles 14, 19 and 21 of the Constitution of India stands for equality and rule of law and are part of basic structure of the Constitution and cannot be abrogated. It was further held that Article 21 is the heart of the Constitution of India. Articles 15, 21 read with Articles 14 and 19 of the Constitution of India if allowed to be abrogated would completely change basic structure of the Constitution of India. 

Thus, on the discussion made above, the Court's conclusions are as follows: 

1. Protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India was not a privilege, but was a protection to the Religious minority communities to attain equality with other religious groups of India. 
2. Protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India was given to such minorities categorised in three categories by the Constituent Assembly on the basis of population & strength which were non-dominant groups in India at the time of partition of India, i.e., (i) having 1/2 per cent population and strength, (ii) having population and strength less than 1-1/2% and (iii) having population and strength above 1-1/2%. That will be the basis of to determine minority. 
3. The Muslims religious communities in India in 2001 constituted 13.80 percent of the total population of India and 18.50 percent of total population in the State of Uttar Pradesh and is now a dominant group dominating all other religious groups in Uttar Pradesh in all walk of life including the constitutional democratic process. 
4. The Muslims religious community has throughout been a well-organized and strongly knitted community and not a weak religious community. It was never regarded as weaker section or underprivileged section of the society. Considering the religious population in India as well as in the State of Uttar Pradesh, Muslims are only majority religious community in comparison with other religious communities in India and other religious communities are in minority in comparison to the Muslims. 
5. 'Hinduism' did not represent a religion and represents culture or civilization of India. The combination of such religious groups including Sikh, Jain, Buddhist, Sufis, each and every tribal having separate God and Goddess and Hindu Society divided on caste, creed and other religions mentioned in the preceding paragraphs of the judgment (supra) which cannot be considered one religious group according to the definition of the religion decided by the Apex Court and as such the Muslims religious community constitute only single largest religious majority in Uttar Pradesh. The Constitution never intended to create a religious group based on theocracy in the name of religion but its intention was to give protection to the religions, population of which were about one and half percent or slightly above at the time of partition and to equate them with other members of the society. 
In view of the discussions made above, the Court holds that as follows:- 
(a) Muslims have now ceased to be religious minorities in India and in any case in State of Uttar Pradesh on the basis of their population & strength. 
(b) Muslims also constitute an important part of the citizenry of India and has a important role to play in developing India as a strong nation. It is necessary that all citizens must be assimilated as citizenry of India who are also liable to perform their duties towards the nation and society at large as contemplated under Article 51-A of the Constitution of India. 
(c) As the Muslim Community are part and parcel of the society and part of Indian citizenry, the Madarsas established by them are entitled to have equal treatment in comparison to other Schools/institutions established by other citizens of India. 
To develop good temperament, humanism and sense of equality to preserve rich heritage and India's composite culture and to develop patriotism in the citizenry of India, it is a necessity that all Schools/Institutions including Madarsas are liable to teach fundamental duties and Moral Education (not religious) to their students who are future citizens of the country to make India a strong and developed in the World. Union of India and State of Uttar Pradesh are directed to take necessary steps accordingly to make education of fundamental duties and Moral Education as compulsory subjects in all the Schols and Institutions established by all religious communities including Madarsas so that the citizenry of India and younger generation may be developed according to the dream of the Constituent Assembly which gave us Constitution of India. This Court is further of the view that in order to develop India as a strong, developed and powerful nation, the fundamental duties under Article 51-A of the Constitution of India may be made enforceable. The U.P. Board of High School and Intermediate Education has made fundamental duties one of the compulsory teaching subjects from the Session 2007-2008. 
Constitution of India which is a living document adopted by the people of India for social, economic, political justice and for secularism and for democracy. Each and every citizen of India has liberty of thought, belief, faith, worship and equality of status and as such the petitioners or the opposite parties no. 4 to 6 or any member of the Indian society have got a right to perform the religious rites but are not entitled to get any privilege under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India. Every citizen of India is also liable to perform certain duties as enshrined under Article 51-A of the Constitution of India, the same is being quoted below:- 
"51-A. Fundamental duties.- It shall be the duty of every citizen of India- 
(a) to abide by the Constitution and respect its ideals and institutions, the National Flag and the National Anthem; 
(b) to cherish and follow the noble ideals which inspired our national struggle for freedom; 
(c) to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India; 
(d) to defend the country and render national service when called upon to do so; 
(e) to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst al the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women; 
(f) to value and preserve the rich heritage of our composite culture; 
(g) to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life, and to have compassion for living creatures; 
(h) to develop the scientific temper, humanism and the spirit of inquiry and reform; 
(i) to safeguard public property and to abjure violence; 
(j) to strive towards excellence in all spheres of individual and collective activity so that the nation constantly rises to higher levels of endeavour and achievement; 
(k) who is a parent or guardian to provide opportunities for education to his child or, as the case may be, ward between the age of six and fourteen years." 

In the writ petition, allegations and counter allegations have been made about the entitlement of the petitioners for getting grant-in-aid for their Madarsa. The counter allegations in the counter affidavits are that the petitioners have already embezzled huge amount of the scholarship in the garb of Muslim minority Institution and the matter is pending before the courts. The allegations of petitioners as to the opposite parties no. 4 to 6 in the various affidavits are that it is not for the benefit of entire Muslim society but it is for the benefit of particular families who founded this Institution for the benefit of their own families where all the posts were held and occupied by the petitioners' family members. In view of the allegation and counter allegations made in the writ petition, it is urged by the parties that this is the normal situation in some of the Madarsas. 

Paragraphs 9 and 10 of the Supplementary Affidavit dated 1.2.2007 filed by Zulfikar Ahmad, Manager, Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam Dehra Kalan, Ghazipur, are also very relevant in the matter of granting recognition to Madarsas founded by Muslim religious community by the State of Uttar Pradesh, same are being reproduced below:- 

"9. That to the utter surprise the respondent in collusion particularly the Secretary Sri Chandra Prakash by taking illegal gratification of Rs.5 lacs has taken certain more institutions on grant including Madarsa Khanam Zan of Varanasi and Madarsa Ahle Sunnat Ateequia Gonda. 
10.That same demand is being done in respect of Petitioners institution as well and demand of Rs. 8 lacs is being done in respect of other newly prepared 100 institutions vide G.O. Dated...whereas the consideration of Madrsa recognised in year 1996 is being harass that its case was refused on basis of delay vide order .......The copies of order cancelling the Madrsa taken on grant amongst 67 and allotment of fresh Madarsa at its place vide order dated 13.12.06 are also being annexed as.....to this affidavit along with copy of order of this High Court...." 

It has been stated in Paragraphs 9 and 10 of the supplementary affidavit of Zulfikar Ahmad that the recognition was granted to Madarsa after receiving illegal gratification of 5 lakhs for the grant-in-aid and a demand of 8 lakhs was made from petitioners also. The State has prepared a list of 100 more institutions and Madarsa to recognise for grant-in-aid. In view of the serious nature of allegations made in the Supplementary Affidavit of Zulfikar Ahmad, this Court considers it appropriate that an enquiry may be institute in the matter of recogntion of Madrasas for Grant-in-Aid. This Court directs the Chief Secretary of Uttar Pradesh to institute an enquiry by an Officer not below rank of Principal Secretary of Government of U.P. in the matter in which grant-in-aid was given to Madarasas from the year 2003 up to now. The State fund is created by contribution from all citizens belonging to all the religions of the country. Since India is a secular country, State fund should be utilised for secular purposes. Such funds could be given to all the Institutions including Madarsas. 

In the end this Court is of the opinion that Muslims have accepted India as their own Mother Land as citizens at the time of partition and contributed a lot in almost in all the fields in development of India and also a dominant force in politics and other fields, not on the basis of any religious group, but as citizens of India. They are also bound to perform all such duties towards the country under Article 51-A of the Constitution of India like other citizens of India for their more effective role in making India a very strong and great nation forming part of citizenry of India. 

In such a situation and in view of the law laid down by the Apex Court, proceedings of Constituent Assembly and others relevant materials discussed above, this Court is of the firm view that the Muslims whose population was 18.5% per cent in the year 2001 constitutes the only religious majority group in comparison to other religious group in State of U.P. and they have already ceased to be a religious minority group and they are entitled to get equal treatment as the other non-minority religious groups are being treated. This Court after considering each and every material and law has come to the conclusion that in view of the discussions made above now Muslims have ceased to be a religious minority and they are entitled to be treated like other citizens of India. All protections given under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India are not available to them. 

For the reasons detailed above, this Court passed the operative part of the judgmenton 5.4.2007 which runs as follows:- 
"Since I have been scheduled to sit at Lucknow Bench of this Court from 9th April, 2007, I consider it appropriate to pronounce operative part of the judgment of the writ petition. This operative part of the judgment shall be followed by the rest judgment. 
For the reasons to be detailed in the body of the judgment of the writ petition, writ petition succeeds and is allowed. The impugned order dated 17.5.2004, passed by the State of Uttar Pradesh recognising Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 on Grant-in-Aid as religious Muslim minority institutions is quashed and it is held that any institution founded by petitioners or Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 are not entitled to be recognised for Grant-in-Aid as religious minority institutions in the State of Uttar Pradesh after applying twin criteria, i.e., population and strength of a religious community as laid down by the founding fathers of the Constitution of India as is clear from proceedings of Constituent Assembly to determine any religious community as a religious minority. The Court finds that Muslims have ceased to be a religious minority community in the State of Uttar Pradesh on consideration of the materials on record which includes various Census Reports including Census Reports of 1951 and 2001 and, therefore, directs State of Uttar Pradesh to treat any member of Muslim community equal to other non-minority religious communities without discriminating in any respect in accordance with law being an integral part of citizenry of India 

(i) A writ in the nature of mandamus is issued commanding State of Uttar Pradesh to consider Applications of petitioners and Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 or other Applications of other institutions founded by Muslim community for recognition on Grant-in-Aid in the similarly situated manner as other non-minority institutions are being dealt with in accordance with law without any discrimination. 

(ii) A writ of mandamus is also issued to Union of India and the State of Uttar Pradesh to take appropriate steps to modify the notification dated 23.10.1993 issued by the Union of India accordingly. 

(iii) A writ of mandamus is further issued commanding the Chief Secretary, Uttar Pradesh to initiate an enquiry into the serious allegations of corruption made by petitioners in Paragraphs 9 and 10 of the Supplementary Affidavit dated 1.2.2007 filed by Zulfikar Ahmad, Manager, Anjuman Madarsa Noorul Islam Dehra Kalan, Ghazipur, which runs as follows:- 
"9. That to the utter surprise the respondent in collusion particularly the Secretary Sri Chandra Prakash by taking illegal gratification of Rs.5 lacs has taken certain more institutions on grant including Madarsa Khanam Zan of Varanasi and Madarsa Ahle Sunnat Ateequia Gonda. 
10. That same demand is being done in respect of Petitioners institution as well and demand of Rs. 8 lacs is being done in respect of other newly prepared 100 institutions vide G.O. Dated...whereas the consideration of Madrsa recognised in year 1996 is being harass that its case was refused on basis of delay vide order .......The copies of order cancelling the Madrsa taken on grant amongst 67 and allotment of fresh Madarsa at its place vide order dated 13.12.06 are also being annexed as.....to this affidavit along with copy of order of this High Court...." 
The enquiry shall be made for orders passed recognising the institutions for Grant-in-Aid from the year 2003 upto now. Such enquiry shall be conducted by an Officer not below the rank of Principal Secretary which shall be completed within three months' from the presentation of a certified copy of this order and further action shall be taken accordingly. 
There shall be no order as to cost." 
5.4.2007 
bgs/- 

ISLAM EXPOSED: HIGH COURT OF JUDICATURE AT ALLAHABAD Part - 7

As stated above at the cost of repetition that Muslims in India were always in microscopic minority even during Muslim Rule for more than a century and British Rule, but they never claimed any minority right at any point of time. As in the present case, controversy relates to only religious minority, as petitioners and Opp. Party nos. 4 to 6 claimed themselves as Muslim minority and protection under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India, this Court is expressing opinion about religious minority and not about linguistic minority. It is also made clear that question of backwardness of any community has no nexus and if any group claims backwardness, it has nothing to do with the minority rights under Articles 29 and 30 of the Constitution of India and all the citizens of India may be considered for the purposes of backwardness in accordance with the Constitution of India. It is also made clear that as Muslim Religious community has throughout been remained as a privileged class for centuries, how they became backward and if Muslim religious community claims any special/minority right being backward, who is to be blamed is not a controversy involved in the present case and as such this Court is not expressing any opinion. 

Sri Pocker Mohammed, a member of Constituent Assembly participating in the proceeding of Constituent Assembly rightly said that the Muslims are a strongly knitted community, therefore, if special rights are not given to them they will become desperate. Data given above makes it clear that Muslim religious group is now a dominant political force in democratic India on the basis of their population, voting rights in election and strength in getting elected their representative and in electing their own Government of their dominating choice on the basis of their population. 

This Court is of the view that on the basis of population Muslim religious community is only single Religious Majority in democratic India and could not be recognised as a religious minority community. In India after enforcement of the Constitution, the people of India including muslim are also free to perform their religious and cultural rites. Constitution of India makes it very clear, as held by the Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra) that minority status was given for protection to non-dominant group. 

The Constituent Assembly first met on 9th December, 1946 and adopted Constitution of India on 26th November, 1949, but continued upto 24th of January, 1950. 

People of India adopted Constitution of India for them. In constitutional democracy sovereign power vests in the citizens of India and by exercising right to franchise citizens elect Legislators and the Government in which only population of any community plays a major role. If 12.58% of muslim population dominated and got partitioned India, 18.50 per cent of muslim population in State of U.P. which is equivalent to national population of Muslims in India after partition of India at present are more dominant force in Indian society and democratic political system. 
Considering the facts available on record, I am also taking judicial notice of following facts:- 
At present, from State of Uttar Pradesh, 18 Members of Muslim Religion community are in Parliament, nine Members in Legislative Council and 45 Members Members in Legislative Assembly (From Information Diary, 2007 of Government of State of Uttar Pradesh, Published by Information and Public Relation Department). India has also elected three Presidents of India belonging to Muslim Religion community. In India in the communities other than Muslims there are about 6400 casts and sub-castes, more than 100 religious groups of different thoughts and belief and several ethnic groups and all other religious groups/communities are reduced to minority and no other religious group/community, except Muslim community is dominant in India. It is also clear from the Census report of 2001 that Muslims who were 18.50% in 2001, by now after six years in 2007, must have gone above 18.50%, are at present single dominating religious group in comparison to other religious communities in India. In most of the Districts of Uttar Pradesh, Muslims are a dominant religious group constituting population from 20% to 50% according to Census Report of 2001 and in some Districts Muslim population is more than the population of all other religious group. Taking together Muslims at present are a dominant religious majority community affecting all walks of life of Indian society including political scene in the State of U.P. as well and are only dominant religious force/community in comparison to other religious group in India. Neither any sense of insecurity at present is in Muslim Religion Community nor Muslims lack confidence in any field in India. To the contrary as is clear from the Constituent Assembly debates and other materials, members of other remaining religious community were described as deaf and dumb and peace-loving as stated by some of members of Constituent Assembly and have no dominance. It is also clear from the Census Report, 2001 that in Bihar population of Muslims is 1,37,22,048 and Hindu population is 6,90,076,919, in West Bengal Muslim's population was 2,02,40,543 and Hindu population was 5,81,04,835 and in Kerala Hindu population was 1,78,,83,449, Muslim population was 78,63,842 and Christian population was 60,057,427. Similar is the position in other States also. In all India basis also, population of Muslim Religion community constitute 13.60% and they are dominant group in all respects, i.e., strength and population in comparison to other religious groups in India, but in the State of Uttar Pradesh Muslims are no more religious minority group requiring any minority status. 

The next question arises to be considered would be once a group recognised as religious minority in the Constitution as minority group ceased to be recognised as a religious minority group in the changed circumstances, i.e., on the basis of strength, population and domination. 
Chaudhary N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the petitioners, urged that a religious group may continue to be a religious minority of the total population up to population 49.99% of the total population. In this regard he urged that in India majority consists of Hindu Religious group population and 50% of the total population may be calculated to Hindu population. 
Learned counsel for parties were heard on this question also at great length. 
The percentage of different religion groups considered by the Constituent Assembly for minorities were in three Groups, i.e., Group A- less than 1/2%, Group B- less than 1-1/2% and Group C- above 1-1/2%. Muslims at that time were above 1-1/2%. The Constituent Assembly fixed criteria for above 1-1/2% which may be interpreted as not more than 2% otherwise Constituent Assembly may have mentioned it less than 5%, but Constituent Assembly considered only above 1-1/2% in the Schedule which was adopted by the Constituent Assembly for recognising a religious community as minority. It is worthy to notice here that Constituent Assembly was constituted before partition of the country. It was expected at the time of partition of India on the basis of two nations theory that most of Muslim population, which led agitation for dividing the country in united India (as is clear from Constituent Assembly Debates) would go to Pakistan and only a small group of such nationalist Muslims who supported Congress and opposed partition would remain in India and appropriate protection was required to be given to such Muslims only. Protection to minority in the Constitution was given to different religious groups, i.e., Anglo Indians and Christians who were attached with the Britishers as dominant religious groups and after leaving Britishers from India being an insignificant group in the matter of population and were not in a position to affect democratic process were protected in the matter of religion, culture and educational institutions, though Christians in some States are now a major dominant religious force and also affects the democratic process such as North Eastern States, Kerala and some other States. Similarly, Parsees who were small in number were also provided protection in regard to religion and culture etc. in view of the fact that they were not in a position to affect/dominate politics in India. Sikhs were also given protection of minority as India was partitioned and lakhs of Sikhs lost their lives and some migrated from Pakistan to India and they constituted population at that time less than 1-1/2 per cent. But so far as Muslims are concerned, the assessment was that the total population of Muslims who would not leave India would be slightly above 1-1/2 percent as is clear from the Schedule prepared by the Advisory Committee on Minority headed by Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel adopted by Constituent Assembly. Had the Constituent Assembly visualised this fact that after partition of India and after exchange of Hindu and Muslim population, substantial population of such Muslims who led agitation in different parts of India for partition of the country and divided the country would remain in India even after partition of the country and major part of Muslims population would not migrate to Pakistan, the Constituent Assembly would not have fixed the criteria mentioned above. That is why Constituent Assembly had fixed 1-1/2% criteria otherwise it would have fixed 5% or 10%.As held by the Apex Court in T.M.A. Foundation(supra) case that the provision of special rights to minorities was introduced to remove their sense of insecurity and lack of confidence, the provision of minority was not intended to create any privilege to any section of the society in the name of minority institutions over and above rights of majority group (other than Muslims). It was to remove inequality vis-a-vis other communities and that is why 1-1/2% was fixed so far as Indian Muslims who adopted Indian citizenship after partition as Indians are concerned. As stated above, Schedule prepared by the Advisory Committee on Minority was accepted by the Constituent Assembly which mentioned population of Muslims above 1-1/2% after partition and thus it was made the basis for determining religious minority of Muslims under Constitution. 

As the entire material on record relating to population immediately after enforcement of of Constitution in 1951 is available on record, it is necessary to look into the matter on this aspect with the details of the Census as contained in Annexure-1 to the Affidavit filed on 27.2.2007, i.e., Census Report of 1951 makes it clear that total population of India at that time was 35 crores 68 lacs out of which Hindus consisted about 30 crores 67 lacs, Sikhs were 68 lacs, Jains were 16 lacks, Budhists 2 lacs, Zoroastrian 1 lac Christians 82 lacs, Muslims 3 crores 54 lacs, Other Religion Returns (Tribal)-17 lacs and Other Religion Return (Non-Tribal) - 1 lac. The population of Hindu at that time was about 85%, Sikhs 1.74%, Jains .45%, Buddhist-.6%, Zoroastrian- 1%, Christians 2.3%, Muslims 9%, Other Religion Returns (Tribal)-.47 and Other Religion Return (Non-Tribal) - .3%. The total population of undivided India in 1941 was 31 crores 41 lacs out of which Muslim at that time constituted 3 crores 96 lacks, i.e., 12.5.% excluding Jammu & Kashmir. In 1951, the total population of India at that time was 35,68,79,394 out of which population of Uttar Pradesh was 6,32,15, 942. 
Controversy relates to Uttar Pradesh in 1951 & 2001 total population of Hindus and Muslims in the State of Uttar Pradesh was as under:- 
1951 2001 
Total 63215742 Total 166197921 
Religion Male Female Hindu-133979283 
Sikhs 1,10,947 86,665 Muslim- 3,7440158 
Jains 51,651 46,063 
Buddhists 1,968 1,253 
Zoroastrian 678 580 
Muslims 9058982
Christians 64,799 59,083 
Jews 33 1 
Hindu 53760925 
The Supplementary Affidavit of R.S. Meena, Assistant Director of Census Operation, Uttar Pradesh, dated 19th March, 2007 makes out demographic changes on the basis of 2001 Census. Out of total population of India of 1,028,610,328 at present Muslims population was 13,81,88,240, Sikhs are 1,92,15,730, Christians are 2,40,80,016, Buddhists are 79,55,207 and Jains are 42,25,053. List of such States where Hindus were reduced to minority after independence of India is as under:- 
State Total Population Hindus
Jammu and Kashmir 1,014,3700 30,05,349
Arunachal Pradesh 1,097,968 3,79,936
Nagaland 19,90,036 1,53,162
Manipur 21,66,788 9,96,894
Mizoram 8,88,573 31,562 
Meghalaya 23,18,822 3,07,822 
Lakshadweep 60,650 2,281
Punjab 2,43,58,999 8997942 


As matter relates to religious minority, argument of 50% of the total population presupposes two groups, i.e., above 50% and less than 50%. In a multi religious society how this 50% would be calculated and which religious group could be recognised as religious minority group in comparison to which religious group will be considered in succeeding part of the judgment. 

Chaudhary N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the petitioners, has firstly relied upon the Judgment of the Apex Court in T.M.A. Pai Foundation case (supra) in support of his contention and urged that even if population of Muslim religious minority group reaches 49.9%, i.e., less than 50%, it shall continue as a religious minority group. This calculation may be made on the basis of all India basis or and State of Uttar Pradesh basis. He further urged that Hindus are in majority and the calculation should be made in comparison to Hindus as a religious entity 

On the arguments of Chaudhary N.A. Khan, learned counsel for the petitioners, question further arises to be considered is whether Hinduism is a religion for the purposes of consideration of Religious minority. 

The first case in which Hinduism was considered by the Constitution Bench of the Apex Court is the judgment reported in AIR 1966 SC 1119, Sastri Yagnapunushadji v. Muldas Bhudardas Vaishya, relevant part of which is being quoted below:- 
"Who are Hindus and what are the broad features of Hindu religion, that must be the first part of our enquiry in dealing with the present controversy between the parties. The historical and etymological genesis of the word 'Hindu' has given rise to a controversy amongst indologists; but the view generally accepted by scholars appears to be that the word "Hindu" is derived from the river Sindhu otherwise known as Indus which flows from the Punjab. "That part of the great Aryan race", says Monier Williams, "which immigrated from Central Asia, through the mountain passes into India, settled first in the districts near the river Sindhu (now called the Indus). The persian pronounced this word Hindu and named heir Aryan brethren Hindus. This Greeks, who probably gained their first ideas of India from the Persians, dropped the hard aspirate, and called the Hindus 'Indoi' ("Hinduism" by Monier Will Hams. P.1) 
The Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol VI, has described 'Hinduism' as the title applied to that form of religion which prevails among the vast majority of the present population of the Indian Empire (p.686). As Dr. Radhakrishnan has observed, "The Hindu civilization is so called, since its original founders earliest followers occupied the territory drained by the Sindhu the (the Indus )river system corresponding to the North West Frontier Province and the Punjab. This is recorded in the Rig which give their name to this period Indian history. The people on the Indian side of the Sindhu were called Hindu by the Persian and the later western invadors." (The Hindu view of Life" by Dr. Radhakrishnan. P.12). That is the genesis of the word "Hindu". 

When we think of the Hindu religion, we find it difficult, if not impossible to define Hindu religion or even adequately describe it. Unlike other religion in the world, the Hindu religion does not claim any one prophet; it does not worship any one God; it does not subscribe to any one dogma; it does not believe in any one philosophic concept; it does not follow any one set of religious rites or performances; in fact, it does not appear to satisfy the narrow traditional feature of any religion or creed. It may broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more. 

............The term 'Hindu', according to Dr. Radhakrishnan, had originally a territorial and not a credal significance. It implied residence in a well-defined geographical area. Aboriginal tribes, savage and half-civilized people, the cultured Dravidians and the Vedic Aryans were all Hindus as they were the sons of the same mother. The Hindu thinkers reckoned with the striking fact that the men and women dwelling in India belonged to different communities, worshipped different gods, and practised different rites (Kurma Purana) (Ibid p.12) 
Monier Williams has observed that "it must be borne in mind that Hinduism is far more than a mere form of theism vesting on Brahmanism. It presents for our investigation a complex congeries of creeds and doctrines which in its gradual accumulation may be compared to the gathering together of the mighty volume of the Ganges, swollen by a continual influx of tributary rivers and rivulets, spearding itself over an every-increasing area of country and finally resolving itself into an intricate Delta of tortuous steams and jungly marshes...The Hindu religion is reflection of the composite character of the Hindus, who are not people but many. It is based on the idea of universal receptivity. It has ever aimed to accommodating itself circumstances, and has carried on the process of adaptation through more than three thousand years. It has first borne with and then, so to speak, swallowed, digested, and assimilated something from all creed". (Religious Thought & Life in India" by Monier Williams, P. 57). 

We have already indicated that the usual tests which can be aplied in relation to any recognised religion or religious creed in the wordld turn out to be inadequate in dealing with the problem of Hindu religion. Normally, any recognised religion or religious creed subscribes to body of set philosophic concepts and theological beliefs. Does this test aply to the Hindu religion? In answering this question, we would base ourselves mainly on the exposition of the problem by Dr. Radhakrishnan in his work on Indian Philosophy . ("Indian Philosophy" by Dr. Radhakrishnan. Vol. I, pp.22-23). Unlike other countries, India can claim that philosphy in ancient India was not an auxiliary to any other science or art, but always held a prominent position of independence..... "In all the fleeting centuries of history", says Dr. Radhakrishnan, "in all the vicissitudes through which India has passed, a certain marked identity is visible. It has held fast to certain psychological traits which constitute its special heritage and they will be the characteristic marks of the Indian people so Loungsri as they are privileged to have a separate existence". The history of Indian thought emphatically brings out the fact that the development of Hindu religion has alrways been inspired by an endless quest of the mind for truth based on the consciousness that truth has many facts. Truth is one, but wise men describe it differently.(...) The Indian mind has, consistently through the ages, been exercised over the problem of the nature of godhead the problem that faces the spirit at the end of life, and the interrelation between the individual and the universal soul. "If we can abstract from the variety of opinion', says Dr. Radhakrishnan, "and observe the general spirit of Indian though, we shall find that it has a disposition to interpret life and nature in the way of monistic idealism, though this tendency is so plastic, living and manifold that it takes many forms and expresses itself in even mutally hostile teachings."(..) 
.....Naturally enough, it was realised by Hindu religion from the very beginning of its career that truth was many-sided and different views contained different aspects of truth which no one could fully express. This knowledge inevitably bred a spirit of tolerance and willingness to understand and appreciate the opponent's point of view. That is how "the several views set forth in India in regard to the vital philosophic concepts are considered to be the branches of the self-same tree. The short cuts and blind alleys are somehow reconciled with the main road of advance to the truth." (..) When we consider this broad sweep of the Hindu philosophic concepts, it would be realised that under Hindu philosophy, there is no cope for ex-communicating any notion or principle as heretical and rejecting it as such. 
xxx xxx xxx 

The development of Hindu religion and philosphy shows that from time to time saints and religious reformers attempted to remove from the Hindu thought and practices elements of corruption and superstition and that led to the formation of different sects. Buddha started Budhism; Mahavir founded Jainsim; Basava became the founder of Lingayat religion; Dnyaneshwar and Tukaram initiated the Varakari cult; Guru Nanak inspired Sikhism, Dayananda founded Arya Samaj, and Chaitanya began Bhakti cult; and as a result of the teachings of Ramrksohin and Vivekananda, Hindu religion flowered into its most attractive, progressive and dynamic form. If we study the teachings of these saints and religious reformers, we would notice an amount of divergence in their respective views; but underneath that divergence, there is a kind of subtle indescribable unity which keeps them within the sweep of the broad and progressive Hindu religion. 
xxx xxx xxx 

......It is somewhat remarkable that this broad sweep of Hindu religion has been eloquently described by Toynbee. Says Tonbee; "When we pass from the plane of social practice to the plane of intellectual outlook, Hinduism too comes out well by comparison with the religions and ideologies of the South-West Asian group. In contrast to these Hinduism has the same outlook as the pre-Christian and pre-Muslim religions and philosophies of the Western half of the old world. Like them, Hinduism takes it for granted that there is more than one valid approach to truth and to salvation and that these different approaches are not only compatible with each other..but are not only compatible with Day Experiment in Western Civilisation" by Toynbee, pp. 48-49). 

The Constitution-makers were fully conscious of this broad and comprehensive character of Hindu religion; and so, while guaranteeing the fundamental right to freedom of religion, Explanation II to Article 25 has made it clear that in sub-clause (b) of clause (2) the reference to Hindus shall be construed as including a reference to persons professing the Sikh, Jains or Budhist religion, and the reference to Hindu religious institutions shall be construed accordingly." 

In order to consider what is the Hinduism, the judgment of the Apex Court reported in AIR 1996 SC 1113, Dr. Ramesh Yeshwant Prabhoo v. Prabhakar Kashinath Kunte and others is very relevant. Paragraphs 38, 39 and 40 of the judgment are being quoted below:- 

"38. These Constitution Bench decisions, after a detailed discussion, indicate that no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms 'Hindu', 'Hindutva' and 'Hinduism'; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of Indian culture and heritage. It is also indicated that the term 'Hindutva' is related more to the way of life of the people in the sub-continent. It is difficult to appreciate how in the face of these decisions the term 'Hindutva' or 'Hinduism' per se, in the abstract, can be assumed to mean and be equated with narrow fundamentalist Hindu religious bigotry, or to be construed to fall within the prohibition in sub-section 3 and/or (3A)of S. 123 of the R.P. Act. 
39. Bharucha, J. in Dr. M. Ismali Faruqui v. Union of India, (1994) 6 SCC 360: (1994 AIR SCW 4897), (Ayodya case), in the separate opinion for himself and Ahmadi, J. (as he then was), observed as under: 
".......Hinduism is a tolerant faith. It is that tolerance that has enabled Islam, Christianity, Zoroastriansim, Judaism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism to find shelter and support upon this land...." 
(at page 442) (of SCC): (at p. 4971, para 159 of AIR) 
40. Ordinarily, the Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and it is not to be equated with, or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism. In "Indian Muslims - The Need For A Positive Outlook" by Maulana Wahiduddin Khan, (1994), it is said: 
"The strategy worked out to solve the minorities problem was, although differently worded, that of Hindutva or Indianisation. This strategy, briefly stated, aims at developing a uniform culture by obliterating the differences between all the cultures co-existing in the country. This was felt to be the way of coomunal harmony and national unity. It was though that this would put an end once and for all to the minorities problem". 
(at page 19) 

The above opinion indicate that the word 'Hindutva' is used and understood as a synonym of 'Indianisation',e.e. Development of uniform culture by obliterating the differences between all the cultures co-existing in the country." 

A judgment reported in 1993 ALL.L.J., 1379, Smt. Indumatee Koorichh v. The Family Court, Lucknow and another of the learned Single Judge of this Court has also 'Hindu' religion. Relevant party of Paragraph 27 of the judgment is being reproduced below:- 
"27......expression 'Hindu' under the acts has been taken to mean and include in itself every person man or woman or child who is not a Muslim, Christian, Parsi or Jew and also such person, who being Muslim, Christian, Parsis or Jew when, he gets himself converted into the Hindu way of life either as a Vaishnavait, Shivait, Buddhist, Sikh or the like cults of Hindu faith and religion. Those religions, as have got their origination in foreign land or lands other than mother India, the great Hindustan, and, as such, their followers are not included in phrase Hindu. Thus considered in wider horizon or sense of connotation a person born in India or Hindustan or whose parents have taken birth in India or Hindustan the land surrounded by Himalayan range on the north and Sindhu the Sea known as Indu sarovar in the south and having faith and allegiance with this land and its culture may be called a Hindu irrespective of difference of approach towards one truth and one goal." 

This definition of Hindu has further been defined by a Constitution Bench judgment of the Apex Court reported in AIR 1971, 1737, D.A. V. College, Jullundur etc. v. The State of Punjab and others. Paragraphs 12, 13 and 16 of the said judgment are being reproduced below:- 
"12. For the purposes of Art. 29(1) even though it may not be necessary to enquire whether all the Hindus of Punjab as also the Arya Smajis speak Hindi as a spoken language, nonetheless there can be no doubt that the script of the Arya Samajis is ditinct from that of Sikhs who form the majoirty. It is claimed that while the Sikhs have Gurumukhi as their script the Arya Samajis have their own script which is the Devnagri script. Their Claim to be a religious minority with distinct script of their own seems to us to be justified as would appear from the following: 
13. The Arya Samaj is a reofrmist movement, believes in one God and in the Vedas as the books of true knowledge. It holds that it is the duty of every Arya Samaji to read the Vedas and have them read, to teach or preach them to others. It has a distinct organisation, the membership of which is open to all those who subscribe to its aims and objects. The Arya Samajis worship before the vedic fire and it begins with the burning of incence (the homa 'sacrifice') accompanied by the chanting of Vedic verses. 
xxx xxx xxx 

16. The passage read above show beyond doubt that the Arya Samaj by "rejecting the manifold absurdities found in Smriti and in tradition and in seeking a basis in the early literature for a purer and more rational faith" can be considered to be a religious minority, at any rate as part of the Hindu religious minority in the State of Punjab. 

In this regard, constitution of Hindu Society and what is Hindu religion has been considered by the Apex Court in Bal Patil v. Union of India case (supra). Paragraphs 26, 27, 28 and 30 of the Judgment are being reproduced below:- 
"26.The so-called minority communities like Sikhs and Jians were not treated as national minorities at the time of framing the Constitution. Sikhs and Jains, in fact, have throughout been treated as part of the wider Hindu community which has different sects, sub-sects, faiths, modes of worship and religious philosophies. In various codified customary laws like Hindu Marriage Act, Hindu Succession Act, Hindu Adoptions and Maintenance Act and other laws of pre and post Constitution period, definition of 'Hindu' included all sects, sub-sects of Hindu religions including Sikhs and Jains. 
27. The word 'Hindu' conveys the image of diverse groups of communities living in India. If you search for a person by name Hindu, he is unidentifiable. He can be identified only on the basis of his caste as upper caste Brahmin, Kshatriya or Vaish or of lower caste described in ancient India as Shudras. Those who fall in the Hindu class of 'Shudras' are now included in the Constitution in the category of Scehduled castes with special privileges and treatment for their upliftment. This was found necessary to bring them at par with upper castes in Hindu society. The aboriginals, who have no caste were considered as distinct from four castes or Varnas of Hindu society. They have been treated favourably in the Constitution as Scheduled Tribes. For them also there are provisions for special treatment and grant of special privileges to bring them on level with the other castes from the main advanced streams of Indian society. 
28. There is a very serious debate and difference of opinion between religious philosophers and historians as to whether Jains are of Hindu stock and whether their religion is more ancient than the vedic religion of Hindus. Spiritual philosophy of Hindus and Jains in many respect is different but the quintessence of the spiritual thought of both the religions seems to be the same. The influence of Hindu vedic religion is quite apparent in the custom, style of living belief and faith of Jains. Jains do not worship images or idols of Gods but worship their Tirathankars meaning their ideal personalities who have attained human perfection and excellence by a process of self-improvement. The literal meaning of the word 'Jain' is one who has attained 'victory'. It signifies a person who has attained victory over himself by the process of self-purification. 'Jain' is a religious devout who is continuously striving to gain control over his desires, senses and organs to ultimately become master of his ownself. 
30. Thus, 'Hinduism' can be called a general religion and common faith of India whereas 'Jainsim' is a sepcial religion formed on the basis of quintessence of Hindu religion. Jainism places greater emphasis on non-violence ('Ahinsa') and compassion ('Karuna'). Their only difference from Hindus is that Jains do not believe in any creator like God but worship only the perfect human-being whom they called 'Tirathankar'. Lord Mahavir was one in the generation of Tirathankars. The Tirathankars are embodiments to perfect human-beings who have achieved human excellence at mental and physical levels. In philosophical sense, Jainism is a reformist movement amongst Hindus like Brahamsamajis. Arasamajis and Lingayats. The three main principles of Jainsim are Ahinsa, Anekantvad and Aparigrah. (See:-1) Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethcis, Vol. 7 pg.465;2) History of Jains by A.K.Roy, pgs. 5 to 23: and Vinoba Sahitya, Vol.7 pg. 27 to 284)." 

It is settled now that Hinduism is not a religion but is a way of life and combination of different religions and represents a culture and is a combination of various religions founded and developed by the different saints, philosophers propounded by different philosophy relating to worship, thoughts, ways of worship of the Almighty/God. The details have already been discussed above. In fact Hindusim represents all thoughts, beliefs and way of worship borne in India.